MAKING OF PAKISTAN

WHO WAS QUAID E AZAM;

Muhammad Ali Jinnah (born Mahomedali Jinnahbhai; 25 December 1876 – 11 September 1948) was a barrister, politician and the founder of Pakistan.[1] Jinnah served as the leader of the All-India Muslim League from 1913 until the inception of Pakistan on 14 August 1947, and then as the Dominion of Pakistan's first Governor-General until his death. He is revered in Pakistan as the Quaid-i-Azam ("Great Leader") and Baba-i-Qaum ("Father of the Nation"). His birthday is observed as a national holiday in Pakistan.

Born at Wazir Mansion in Karachi, Jinnah was trained as a barrister at Lincoln's Inn in London, England. Upon his return to British India, he enrolled at the Bombay High Court, and took an interest in national politics, which eventually replaced his legal practice. Jinnah rose to prominence in the Indian National Congress in the first two decades of the 20th century. In these early years of his political career, Jinnah advocated Hindu–Muslim unity, helping to shape the 1916 Lucknow Pact between the Congress and the All-India Muslim League, in which Jinnah had also become prominent. Jinnah became a key leader in the All-India Home Rule League, and proposed a fourteen-point constitutional reform plan to safeguard the political rights of Muslims in the Indian subcontinent. In 1920, however, Jinnah resigned from the Congress when it agreed to follow a campaign of satyagraha, which he regarded as political anarchy.

By 1940, Jinnah had come to believe that the Muslims of the subcontinent should have their own state to avoid the possible marginalised status they may gain in an independent Hindu–Muslim state. In that year, the Muslim League, led by Jinnah, passed the Lahore Resolution, demanding a separate nation for British Indian Muslims. During the Second World War, the League gained strength while leaders of the Congress were imprisoned, and in the provincial elections held shortly after the war, it won most of the seats reserved for Muslims. Ultimately, the Congress and the Muslim League could not reach a power-sharing formula that would allow the entirety of British India to be united as a single state following independence, leading all parties to agree instead to the independence of a predominantly Hindu India, and for a Muslim-majority state of Pakistan.

As the first Governor-General of Pakistan, Jinnah worked to establish the new nation's government and policies, and to aid the millions of Muslim migrants who had emigrated from neighbouring India to Pakistan after the two states' independence, personally supervising the establishment of refugee camps. Jinnah died at age 71 in September 1948, just over a year after Pakistan gained independence from the United Kingdom. He left a deep and respected legacy in Pakistan. Innumerable streets, roads and localities in the world are named after Jinnah. Several universities and public buildings in Pakistan bear Jinnah's name. According to his biographer, Stanley Wolpert, Jinnah remains Pakistan's greatest leader.

WORK OF SIRSYED AHMED KHAN AS A LEADER

Sir Syed Ahmad Taqvi bin Syed Muhammad Muttaqi[1] KCSI (Urdu: سید احمد خان‎; 17 October 1817 – 27 March 1898), commonly known as Sir Syed Ahmad Khan (also Sayyid Ahmad Khan), was an Islamic pragmatist,[2] Islamic reformer,[3][4] philosopher, and educationist[5] in nineteenth-century British India.[6][7] Though initially espousing Hindu-Muslim unity, he became the pioneer of Muslim nationalism in India and is widely credited as the father of Two-Nation Theory which formed the basis of Pakistan movement.[8][9][10][11] Born into a family with strong debts to the Mughal court, Ahmad studied the Quran and Sciences within the court. He was awarded an honorary LLD from the University of Edinburgh in 1889.[12][9][7]

In 1838, Syed Ahmad entered the service of East India Company and went on to become a judge at a Small Causes Court in 1867, retiring from 1876. During the Indian Rebellion of 1857, he remained loyal to the British Raj and was noted for his actions in saving European lives.[3] After the rebellion, he penned the booklet The Causes of the Indian Mutiny – a daring critique, at the time, of various British policies that he blamed for causing the revolt. Believing that the future of Muslims was threatened by the rigidity of their orthodox outlook, Sir Ahmad began promoting Western–style scientific education by founding modern schools and journals and organising Islamic entrepreneurs.

In 1859, Syed established Gulshan School at Muradabad, Victoria School at Ghazipur in 1863, and a scientific society for Muslims in 1864. In 1875, founded the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College, the first Muslim university in Southern Asia.[13] During his career, Syed repeatedly called upon Muslims to loyally serve the British Raj and promoted the adoption of Urdu as the lingua franca of all Indian Muslims. Syed criticized the Indian National Congress.[14]

Syed maintains a strong legacy in Pakistan and among Indian Muslims. He strongly influenced other Muslim leaders including Allama Iqbal and Muhammad Ali Jinnah. His advocacy of Islam's rationalist (Muʿtazila) tradition, and at broader, radical reinterpretation of the Quran to make it compatible with science and modernity, continues to influence the global Islamic reformation.[15] Many universities and public buildings in Pakistan bear Sir Syed's name.[16]

Aligarh Muslim University celebrated Sir Syed's 200th birth centenary with much enthusiasm on 17 October 2017. Former President of India Pranab Mukherjee was the chief guest.[17][18]Born

17 October 1817

Delhi, Mughal Empire

Died

27 March 1898 (aged 80)

Aligarh, British India

Nationality

British Indian

Other names

Sir Syed

Notable work

The Mohammadan Commentary on the Holy Quran

(Tafsir on QURAN).

Awards

Star of India

Era

19th century

School

Islamic and Renaissance philosophy

Institutions

East India Company

Indian Judicial Branch

Aligarh Muslim University

Punjab University

Government College University

Main interests

Pragmatism, Metaphysics, language, aesthetics, Christianity and Islam

Notable ideas

Two-nation theory, Muslim adoption of Western ideas

showInfluences

showInfluenced

Signature

Early life[edit]

Do not show the face of Islam to others; instead show your face as the follower of true Islam representing character, knowledge, tolerance and piety.

— Sir Syed Ahmad Khan

Syed Ahmad Taqvi 'Khan Bahadur' was born on 17 October 1817 in Delhi, which was the capital of the Mughal Empire in the ruling times of Mughal Emperor Akbar II. Many generations of his family had since been highly connected with the administrative position in Mughal Empire. His maternal grandfather Khwaja Fariduddin served as Wazir (lit. Minister) in the court of Emperor Akbar Shah II.[19] His paternal grandfather Syed Hadi Jawwad bin Imaduddin held a mansab (lit. General)– a high-ranking administrative position and honorary name of "Mir Jawwad Ali Khan" in the court of Emperor Alamgir II. Sir Syed's father, Syed Muhammad Muttaqi,[20] was personally close to Emperor Akbar Shah II and served as his personal adviser.[21]

However, Syed Ahmad was born at a time when his father was regional insurrections aided and led by the East India Company, which had replaced the power traditionally held by the Mughal state, reducing its monarch to figurehead. With his elder brother Syed Muhammad bin Muttaqi Khan, Sir Syed was raised in a large house in a wealthy area of the city. They were raised in strict accordance with Mughal noble traditions and exposed to politics. Their mother Aziz-un-Nisa played a formative role in Sir Syed's early life, raising him with rigid discipline with a strong emphasis on modern education.[22] Sir Syed was taught to read and understand the Qur'an by a female tutor, which was unusual at the time. He received an education traditional to Muslim nobility in Delhi. Under the charge of Lord Wellesley, Sir Syed was trained in Persian, Arabic, Urdu and orthodox religious subjects.[23] He read the works of Muslim scholars and writers such as Sahbai, Rumi and Ghalib.[citation needed] Other tutors instructed him in mathematics, astronomy and Islamic jurisprudence.[24][25] Sir Syed was also adept at swimming, wrestling and other sports. He took an active part in the Mughal court's cultural activities.[26]

Syed Ahmad's elder brother founded the city's first printing press in the Urdu language along with the journal Sayyad-ul-Akbar.[citation needed] Sir Syed pursued the study of medicine for several years but did not complete the course.[24] Until the death of his father in 1838, Sir Syed had lived a life customary for an affluent young Muslim noble.[24] Upon his father's death, he inherited the titles of his grandfather and father and was awarded the title of Arif Jung by the emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar.[27] Financial difficulties put an end to Sir Syed's formal education, although he continued to study in private, using books on a variety of subjects.[26] Sir Syed assumed editorship of his brother's journal and rejected offers of employment from the Mughal court.[26]

Career[edit]

Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Justice Syed Mahmood, he was the first Muslim to serve as a High Court judge in the British Raj.

Having recognized the steady decline in Mughal political power, Sir Syed decided to enter the service of the East India Company. He could not enter the colonial civil service because it was only in the 1860s that Indians were admitted.[28] His first appointment was as a Serestadar (lit. Clerk) at the courts of law in Agra, responsible for record-keeping and managing court affairs.[28] In 1840, he was promoted to the title of munshi. In 1858, he was appointed to a high-ranking post at the court in Muradabad, where he began working on his most famous literary work.

Acquainted with high-ranking British officials, Sir Syed obtained close knowledge about British colonial politics during his service at the courts. At the outbreak of the Indian rebellion, on 10 May 1857, Sir Syed was serving as the chief assessment officer at the court in Bijnor.[citation needed] Northern India became the scene of the most intense fighting.[29] The conflict had left large numbers of civilians dead. Erstwhile centres of Muslim power such as Delhi, Agra, Lucknow and Kanpur were severely affected. Sir Syed was personally affected by the violence and the ending of the Mughal dynasty amongst many other long-standing kingdoms.[citation needed] Sir Syed and many other Muslims took this as a defeat of Muslim society.[30] He lost several close relatives who died in the violence. Although he succeeded in rescuing his mother from the turmoil, she died in Meerut, owing to the privations she had experienced.[29]

Social reforms in the Muslim society were initiated by Abdul Latif who founded "The Mohammedan Literary Society" in Bengal. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan established the MAO College which eventually became the Aligarh Muslim University. He opposed ignorance, superstitions and evil customs prevalent in Indian Muslim society. He firmly believed that Muslim society would not progress without the acquisition of western education and science. As time passed, Sir Syed began stressing on the idea of pragmatic modernism and started advocating for strong interfaith relations between Islam and Christianity.

Causes of the Indian Revolt[edit]

Sir Syed supported the East India Company during the 1857 uprising, a role which has been criticised by some nationalists such as Jamaluddin Afghani. In 1859 Sir Syed published the booklet Asbab-e-Baghawat-e-Hind (The Causes of the Indian Revolt) in which he studied the causes of the Indian revolt. In this, his most famous work, he rejected the common notion that the conspiracy was planned by Muslim elites, who resented the diminishing influence of Muslim monarchs. He blamed the East India Company for its aggressive expansion as well as the ignorance of British politicians regarding Indian culture. Sir Syed advised the British to appoint Muslims to assist in administration, to prevent what he called 'haramzadgi' (a vulgar deed) such as the mutiny.[31]

Maulana Altaf Hussain Hali wrote in the biography of Sir Syed that:

"As soon as Sir Syed reached Muradabad, he began to write the pamphlet entitled 'The Causes of the Indian Revolt' (Asbab-e-Baghawat-e-Hind), in which he did his best to clear the people of India, and especially the Muslims, of the charge of Mutiny. In spite of the obvious danger, he made a courageous and thorough report of the accusations people were making against the Government and refused the theory which the British had invented to explain the causes of the Mutiny."[32]

When the work was finished, without waiting for an English translation, Sir Syed sent the Urdu version to be printed at the Mufassilat Gazette Press in Agra. Within a few weeks, he received 500 copies back from the printers. One of his friends warned him not to send the pamphlet to the British Parliament or to the Government of India. Rae Shankar Das, a great friend of Sir Syed, begged him to burn the books rather than put his life in danger. Sir Syed replied that he was bringing these matters to the attention of the British for the good of his own people, of his country, and of the government itself. He said that if he came to any harm while doing something that would greatly benefit the rulers and the subjects of India alike, he would gladly suffer whatever befell him. When Rae Shankar Das saw that Sir Syed's mind was made up and nothing could be done to change it, he wept and remained silent. After performing a supplementary prayer and asking God's blessing, Sir Syed sent almost all the 500 copies of his pamphlet to England, one to the government, and kept the rest himself.

When the government of India had the book translated and presented before the council, Lord Canning, the governor-general, and Sir Bartle Frere accepted it as a sincere and friendly report. The foreign secretary Cecil Beadon, however, severely attacked it, calling it 'an extremely seditious pamphlet'. He wanted a proper inquiry into the matter and said that the author, unless he could give a satisfactory explanation, should be harshly dealt with. Since no other member of the Council agreed with his opinion, his attack did no harm.

Later, Sir Syed was invited to attend Lord Canning's durbar in Farrukhabad and happened to meet the foreign secretary there. He told Sir Syed that he was displeased with the pamphlet and added that if he had really had the government's interests at heart, he would not have made his opinion known in this way throughout the country; he would have communicated it directly to the government. Sir Syed replied that he had only had 500 copies printed, the majority of which he had sent to England, one had been given to the government of India, and the remaining copies were still in his possession. Furthermore, he had the receipt to prove it. He was aware, he added, that the view of the rulers had been distorted by the stress and anxieties of the times, which made it difficult to put even the most straightforward problem in its right perspective. It was for this reason that he had not communicated his thoughts publicly. He promised that for every copy that could be found circulating in India he would personally pay 1,000 rupees. At first, Beadon was not convinced and asked Sir Syed over and over again if he was sure that no other copy had been distributed in India. Sir Syed reassured him on this matter, and Beadon never mentioned it again. Later he became one of Sir Syed's strongest supporters.

Many official translations were made of the Urdu text of The Causes of the Indian Revolt. The one undertaken by the India Office formed the subject of many discussions and debates.[33] The pamphlet was also translated by the government of India and several members of parliament, but no version was offered to the public. A translation which had been started by a government official was finished by Sir Syed's great friend, Colonel G.F.I. Graham, and finally published in 1873.[32]

Influence of Mirza Ghalib[edit]

The court of Akbar, an illustration from a manuscript of the Ain-e-Akbari

In 1855, he finished his scholarly, well researched and illustrated edition of Abul Fazl's Ai'n-e Akbari, itself an extraordinarily difficult book. Having finished the work to his satisfaction, and believing that Mirza Asadullah Khan Ghalib was a person who would appreciate his labours, Syed Ahmad approached the great Ghalib to write a taqriz (in the convention of the times, a laudatory foreword) for it. Ghalib obliged, but what he did produce was a short Persian poem castigating the Ai'n-e Akbari, and by implication, the imperial, sumptuous, literate and learned Mughal culture of which it was a product. The least that could be said against it was that the book had little value even as an antique document. Ghalib practically reprimanded Syed Ahmad Khan for wasting his talents and time on dead things. Worse, he praised sky-high the "sahibs of England" who at that time held all the keys to all the a'ins in this world.[34]

The poem was unexpected, but it came at the time when Syed Ahmad Khan's thought and feelings themselves were inclining toward change. Ghalib seemed to be acutely aware of a European[English]-sponsored change in world polity, especially Indian polity. Syed Ahmad might well have been piqued at Ghalib's admonitions, but he would also have realized that Ghalib's reading of the situation, though not nuanced enough, was basically accurate. Syed Ahmad Khan may also have felt that he, being better informed about the English and the outside world, should have himself seen the change that now seemed to be just round the corner.

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan never again wrote a word in praise of the Ai'n-e Akbari and in fact gave up taking an active interest in history and archaeology. He did edit another two historical texts over the next few years, but neither of them was anything like the Ai'n: a vast and triumphalist document on the governance of Akbar.[35]

Scholarly works[edit]

First issue of the journal Muhammadan Social Reformer dated 24 December 1870, it was a pioneering publication initiated by Sir Syed to promote liberal ideas in Muslim society.

While continuing to work as a junior clerk, Sir Syed began focusing on writing, from the age of 23 (in 1840), on various subjects (from mechanics to educational issues), mainly in Urdu, where he wrote, at least, 6000 pages.[36][37] His career as an author began when he published a series of treatises in Urdu on religious subjects in 1842. He published the book Asaar-us-sanadeed (Great Monuments) documenting antiquities of Delhi dating from the medieval era. This work earned him the reputation of a cultured scholar. In 1842, he completed the Jila-ul-Qulub bi Zikr-il Mahbub and the Tuhfa-i-Hasan, along with the Tahsil fi jar-i-Saqil in 1844. These works focused on religious and cultural subjects. In 1852, he published the two works Namiqa dar bayan masala tasawwur-i-Shaikh and Silsilat ul-Mulk. He released the second edition of Ansar-as-sanadid in 1854.[38] He also started work on a commentary on the Bible – the first by a Muslim – in which he argued that Islam was the closest religion to Christianity, with a common lineage from Abrahamic religions.[24] He began with Genesis and Matthew, the first books of the Old and New Testament, but quit his project before even completing those first two. His other writings such as Loyal Muhammadans of India, Tabyin-ul-Kalam and A Series of Essays on the Life of Muhammad and Subjects Subsidiary Therein helped to create cordial relations between the British authorities and the Muslim community.

He was also a reader of Darwin and, while not agreeing with all of his ideas, he could be described as a sort of theistic evolutionist like his contemporary Asa Gray, and one of the first in the Islamic world, finding the arguments supporting such view through his own scientific research but also quoting earlier Islamic scholars like Al-Jahiz, Ibn Khaldun and Shah Waliullah.[39]

Muslim reformer[edit]

See also: Hindi-Urdu controversy

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan in Punjab

The onset of the Hindi-Urdu controversy of 1867 saw the emergence of Sir Syed as a champion for cause of the Urdu language. He became a leading Muslim voice opposing the adoption of Hindi as a second official language of the United Provinces (now Uttar Pradesh). Sir Syed perceived Urdu as the lingua franca of the United Provinces which was created as a confluence of Muslim and Hindu contributions in India.[8] Having been developed by during the Mughal period, Urdu was used as a secondary language to Persian, the official language of the Mughal court. Since the decline of the Mughal dynasty, Sir Syed promoted the use of Urdu through his own writings. Under Sir Syed, the Scientific Society translated Western works only into Urdu. The schools established by Sir Syed imparted education in the Urdu medium. The demand for Hindi, led largely by Hindus, was to Sir Syed an erosion of the centuries-old Muslim cultural domination of India. Testifying before the British-appointed education commission, Sir Syed controversially exclaimed that "Urdu was the language of gentry and Hindi that of the vulgar."[49] His remarks provoked a hostile response from Hindu leaders, who unified across the nation to demand the recognition of Hindi.

The success of the Hindi movement led Sir Syed to further advocate Urdu as the symbol of Muslim heritage and as the language of all Indian Muslims. His educational and political work grew increasingly centred around and exclusively for Muslim interests. He also sought to persuade the British to give Urdu extensive official use and patronage. His colleagues such as Mohsin-ul-Mulk and Maulvi Abdul Haq developed organisations such as the Urdu Defence Association and the Anjuman Taraqqi-i-Urdu, committed to the perpetuation of Urdu.[citation needed] All these colleagues led efforts that resulted in the adoption of Urdu as the official language of the Hyderabad State and as the medium of instruction in the Osmania University.[citation needed][50] To Muslims in northern and western India, Urdu had become an integral part of political and cultural identity. However, the division over the use of Hindi or Urdu further provoked communal conflict between Muslims and Hindus in India.[citation needed]

On 1 April 1869 he went, along with his sons Syed Mahmood and Syed Hamed to England, where he was awarded the Order of the Star of India from the British government on 6 August. Travelling across England, he visited its colleges and was inspired by the culture of learning established after the Renaissance.[51] Sir Syed returned to India in the following year determined to build a "Muslim Cambridge." Upon his return, he organised the "Committee for the Better Diffusion and Advancement of Learning among Muhammadans" (Muslims) on 26 December 1870. Sir Syed described his vision of the institution he proposed to establish in an article written sometime in 1872 and re-printed in the Aligarh Institute Gazette of 5 April 1911:

I may appear to be dreaming and talking like Shaikh Chilli, but we aim to turn this MAO College into a University similar to that of Oxford or Cambridge. Like the churches of Oxford and Cambridge, there will be mosques attached to each College... The College will have a dispensary with a Doctor and a compounder, besides a Unani Hakim. It will be mandatory on boys in residence to join the congregational prayers (namaz) at all the five times. Students of other religions will be exempted from this religious observance. Muslim students will have a uniform consisting of a black alpaca, half-sleeved chugha and a red Fez cap... Bad and abusive words which boys generally pick up and get used to, will be strictly prohibited. Even such a word as a "liar" will be treated as an abuse to be prohibited. They will have food either on tables of European style or on chaukis in the manner of the Arabs... Smoking of cigarette or huqqa and the chewing of betels shall be strictly prohibited. No corporal punishment or any such punishment as is likely to injure a student's self-respect will be permissible... It will be strictly enforced that Shia and Sunni boys shall not discuss their religious differences in the College or in the boarding house. At present it is like a day dream. I pray to God that this dream may come true."[citation needed]

Signatures of Sir Syed

By 1873, the committee under Sir Syed issued proposals for the construction of a college in Aligarh. He began publishing the journal Tahzib-al-Akhlaq (Social Reformer) on 24 December 1870 to spread awareness and knowledge on modern subjects and promote reforms in Muslim society.[52] Sir Syed worked to promote reinterpretation of Muslim ideology in order to reconcile tradition with Western education. He argued in several books on Islam that the Qur'an rested on an appreciation of reason and natural law, making scientific inquiry important to being a good Muslim. Sir Syed established a modern school in Aligarh and, obtaining support from wealthy Muslims and the British, laid the foundation stone of the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College on 24 May 1875. He retired from his career as a jurist the following year, concentrating entirely on developing the college and on religious reform.[25] Sir Syed's pioneering work received support from the British. Although intensely criticised by orthodox religious leaders hostile to modern influences, Sir Syed's new institution attracted a large student body, mainly drawn from the Muslim gentry and middle classes.[43][self-published source?] The curriculum at the college involved scientific and Western subjects, as well as Oriental subjects and religious education.[25] The first chancellor was Sultan Shah Jahan Begum, a prominent Muslim noblewoman, and Sir Syed invited an Englishman, Theodore Beck, to serve as the first college principal.[43] The college was originally affiliated with Calcutta University but was transferred to the Allahabad University in 1885. Near the turn of the 20th century, it began publishing its own magazine and established a law school. In 1920, the college was transformed into a university.

Political career[edit]

In 1878, Sir Syed was nominated to the Viceroy's Legislative Council.[53] He testified before the education commission to promote the establishment of more colleges and schools across India. At the start of his political career, Sir Syed was an advocate of Hindu-Muslim unity and India's composite culture, wanting to empower all Indians.[8] In the same year, Sir Syed founded the Muhammadan Association to promote political co-operation amongst Indian Muslims from different parts of the country. In 1886, he organised the All India Muhammadan Educational Conference in Aligarh, which promoted his vision of modern education and political unity for Muslims. His works made him the most prominent Muslim politician in 19th century India, often influencing the attitude of Muslims on various national issues. He supported the efforts of Indian political leaders Surendranath Banerjee and Dadabhai Naoroji to obtain representation for Indians in the government and civil services. In 1883, he founded the Muhammadan Civil Service Fund Association to encourage and support the entry of Muslim graduates into the Indian Civil Service (ICS).[25][54]

Hindu-Muslim unity[edit]

At the start of his career, Syed Ahmad Khan advocated for Hindu-Muslim unity in Colonial India.[8] He stated: "India is a beautiful bride and Hindus and Muslims are her two eyes. If one of them is lost, this beautiful bride will become ugly."[8] Being raised in the diverse city of Delhi, Syed Ahmad Khan was exposed to the festivals of both Hindus and Muslims.[8] He collected Hindu scriptures and "had a commitment to the country's composite culture", being close friends with Swami Vivekanand to Debendranath Tagore.[8] In the 19th century, he opposed cow slaughter, even stopping a fellow Muslim from sacrificing one for Eid to promote peace between Muslims and Hindus.[8] Addressing a large gathering in Gurdaspur on January 27, 1884 Sir Syed said:

O Hindus and Muslims! Do you belong to a country other than India? Don't you live on the soil and are you not buried under it or cremated on its ghats? If you live and die on this land, then bear in mind that 'Hindu' and 'Muslim' is but a religious word: all the Hindus, Muslims and Christians who live in this country are one nation.[8]

When he founded Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College, he opened its admissions to Indians of all faiths, with its first principal Henry Siddons being a Christian and one of its patrons Mahendra Singh of Patialabeing a Sikh.[8] Shafey Kidwai notes that Sir Syed promoted "advocacy of the empowerment of all Indians".[8]

Two-Nation Theory[edit]

Sir Syed is considered as the first person to theorize the idea of separate nationhood for Muslims in subcontinent.[55][11] In a speech at Meerut in 1866 he presented on overall scenario of post colonial phase in which he described Muslims and Hindus as two nations.[56] He's regarded as the father of Two-Nation Theory and the pioneer of Muslim nationalism which led to the partition of India.[9][10] Urdu-Hindi controversy is seen as the transformation of Sir Syed's views towards Muslim nationhood which he expressed in his speeches during later days.[55]

While fearful of the loss of Muslim political power owing to the community's backwardness, Sir Syed was also averse to the prospect of democratic self-government, which would give control of government to the Hindu-majority population:[57][58]

"At this time our nation is in a bad state in regards education and wealth, but God has given us the light of religion and the Quran is present for our guidance, which has ordained them and us to be friends. Now God has made them rulers over us. Therefore we should cultivate friendship with them, and should adopt that method by which their rule may remain permanent and firm in India, and may not pass into the hands of the Bengalis... If we join the political movement of the Bengalis our nation will reap a loss, for we do not want to become subjects of the Hindus instead of the subjects of the "people of the Book..."[58]

Later in his life he said, "Suppose that the English community and the army were to leave India, taking with them all their cannons and their splendid weapons and all else, who then would be the rulers of India?...

Is it possible that under these circumstances two nations—the Mohammedans and the Hindus—could sit on the same throne and remain equal in power? Most certainly not. It is necessary that one of them should conquer the other. To hope that both could remain equal is to desire the impossible and the inconceivable. But until one nation has conquered the other and made it obedient, peace cannot reign in the land."[59]

All-India Muslim League[edit]

Sir Syed's educational model and progressive thinking inspired Muslim elites who supported the All India Muslim League. Ahmad Khan founded the All India Muhammadan Educational Conference in 1886 in order to promote Western education, especially science and literature, among India's Muslims. The conference, in addition to generating funds for Ahmad Khan's Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College, motivated Muslim elites to propose expansion of educational uplift elsewhere, known as the Aligarh Movement. In turn this new awareness of Muslim needs helped stimulate a political consciousness among Muslim elites that went on to form the AIML which led Muslims of India towards formation of Pakistan.[60]

Overall, Sir Syed is hailed as a Muslim social reformer who promoted communal harmony and peaceful coexistence of all communities in India. However in later days he presented the idea of Muslim nationhood under the fear of Hindu domination which became the basis for creation of Pakistan and thus Sir Syed is also considered among the founders of Pakistan. In an undivided India under the British rule, he was worried about Muslim backwardness and unwillingness to adopt modern education. He worked towards social and educational upliftment of Muslims so as to enable them to walk shoulder to shoulder with all other communities in India.

Final years and legacy[edit]

Tomb of Syed Ahmad Khan

Syed Ahmad is widely commemorated across South Asia as a great Muslim social reformer and visionary.[25][54] At the same time, Syed Ahmad sought to politically ally Muslims with the British government. An avowed loyalist of the British Empire, he was nominated as a member of the Civil Service Commission in 1887 by Lord Dufferin. In 1888, he established the United Patriotic Association at Aligarh to promote political co-operation with the British and Muslim participation in the British government.

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan Bahadur lived the last two decades of his life in Aligarh, regarded widely as the mentor of 19th and 20th century Muslim entrepreneurs. Battling illnesses and old age, Sir Syed died on 27 March 1898. He was buried besides Sir Syed Masjid inside the campus of the Aligarh Muslim University.

The university he founded remains one of India's most prominent institutions and served as the arsenal of Muslim India. Prominent alumni of Aligarh include Muslim political leaders Maulana Mohammad Ali Jouhar, Abdur Rab Nishtar, Maulana Shaukat Ali and Maulvi Abdul Haq, who is hailed in Pakistan as Baba-e-Urdu (Father of Urdu). The first two Prime Ministers of Pakistan, Liaquat Ali Khan and Khawaja Nazimuddin, as well as Indian President Dr. Zakir Hussain, are amongst Aligarh's most famous graduates. In India, Sir Syed is commemorated as a pioneer who worked for the socio-political upliftment of Indian Muslims.

Honours[edit]

On 2 June 1869, Syed Ahmad Khan was appointed a Companion of the Order of the Star of India (CSI), for his service as Principal Sadr Amin.[61] He was appointed a fellow of the Calcutta and Allahabad Universities by the Viceroy in the years 1876 and 1887 respectively.[62]

Syed Ahmad was later bestowed with the suffix of 'Khan Bahadur' and was subsequently knighted by the British government in the 1888 New Year Honours as a Knight Commander of the Order of the Star of India (KCSI).[63][14] for his loyalty to the British crown, through his membership of the Imperial Legislative Council[64] and in the following year he received an LL.D. honoris causa from the Edinburgh University.[25][65]

India Post issued commemorative postage stamps in his honour in 1973 and 1998.[66]

Pakistan Postal Services also issued a commemorative postage stamp in his honour in 1990 in its 'Pioneers of Freedom' series.[67]

In 1997 Syed Ahmad Khan was commemorated with an English Heritage blue plaque at 21 Mecklenburgh Square in Bloomsbury, where he lived in 1869–70.[68]

1973 Indian stamp

English Heritage blue plaque dedicated to Sir Syed

Sir Syed's house in the university campus

Bibliography[edit]

Legal works[edit]

1. Act No. 10 (Stamp Act) 1862.

2. Act No. 14 (Limitation Act )1859–1864.

3. Act No. 16 (Regarding registration documents) – Allyson, 1864.

4. Act No. 18 (Regarding women's rights) 1866.

Religious works[edit]

4. Ahkam Tu'am Ahl-Kitab, Kanpur, 1868.

5. Al-Du'a Wa'l Istajaba, Agra, 1892.

6. Al-Nazar Fi Ba'z Masa'il Imam Al-Ghazzali, Agra.

7. Izalat ul-Chain as Zi'al Qarnain, Agra, 1889.

8. Zila al-Qulub ba Zikr al-Mahbub, Delhi, 1843.

9. Khulq al-Insan ala ma fi al-Quran, Agra, 1892.

10. Kimiya-i-Sa'dat, 2 fasl, 1883.

11. Mazumm ba nisbat tanazzul ulum-i-diniya wa Arabiya wa falsafa-i-Yunaniya, Agra, 1857.

12. Namiqa fi Bayan Mas'ala Tasawwur al-Shaikh, Aligarh, 1883.

13. Rah-i-Sunnat dar rad-i-bid'at, Aligarh, 1883.

14. Risala Ibtal-i-Ghulami, Agra, 1893.

15. Risala ho wal Mojud, 1880.

16. Risala Tahqiq Lafzi-i-Nassara, 1860.

17. Tabyin-ul-Kalam fi Tafsir-al-turat-wa'l Injil ala Mullat-al-Islam (The Mohomedan Commentary on the Holy Bible).

18. Tafsir-ul-Qura'nVol. I Aligarh, 1880,

Vol. II Aligarh, 1882, Agra, 1903.

Vol. III Aligarh, 1885

Vol. IV Aligarh, 1888

Vol. V Aligarh, 1892.

Vol. VI Aligarh, 1895

Vol. VII Agra, 1904.

19. Tafsir al-Jinn Wa'l Jan ala ma fi al-Qur'an, Rahmani Press, Lahore, 1893, Agra, 1891.

20. Tafsir-a-Samawat, Agra.

21. Tahrir fi Usul al-Tafsir, Agra, 1892.

22. Tarjama fawa'id al-afkar fi amal al-farjar, Delhi 1846.

23. Tarqim fi qisa ashab al-kahf wal-Raqim, Agra, 1889.

24. Tasfiyad al'Aquid (Being the correspondence between Syed Ahmad Khan and Maulana Muhammad Qasim of Deobund).

25. Asbab-e-Baghawat-e-Hind (Reasons for the Indian Revolt of 1857) 1875

Historical works[edit]

Title page of Commentary of Quran by Sir Syed Ahmed Khan

25. A'in-e-Akbari (Edition with Illustration), Delhi.

26. Asrar-us-Sanadid (i) Syed-ul-Akhbar, 1847, (II) Mata-i-Sultani, 1852.

27. Description des monument de Delhi in 1852, D'a Pre Le Texte Hindostani De Saiyid Ahmad Khan (tr. by M. Garcin De Tassy), Paris, 1861.

28. Jam-i-Jum, Akbarabad, 1940.

29. Silsilat-ul-Muluk, Musaraf ul Mataba', Delhi, 1852.

30. Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi (Edition), Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1862.

31. Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri (edition Aligarh, 1864).

Biographical works[edit]

32. Al-Khutbat al-Ahmadiya fi'l Arab wa'I Sirat al-Muhammadiya : Aligarh, 1900, English translation, London, 1869–70.

33. Sirat-i-Faridiya, Agra, 1896.

34. Tuhfa-i-Hasan, Aligarh, 1883.

Political works[edit]

35. Asbab-i-Baghawat-e-Hind, Urdu 1858 and English edition, Banaras.

36. Lecture Indian National Congress Madras Par, Kanpur, 1887.

37. Lectures on the Act XVI of 1864, delivered on 4 December 1864 for the Scientific Society, Allygurh, 1864.

38. Musalmanon ki qismat ka faisla (Taqarir-e-Syed Ahmad Khan wa Syed Mehdi Ali Khan etc.) Agra, 1894.

39. On Hunter's: Our Indian Mussulmans' London, 1872.

40. Present State of Indian Politics (Consisting of lectures and Speeches) Allahabad, 1888.

41. Sarkashi Zilla Binjor, Agra 1858.

Lectures[edit]

42. Iltimas be Khidmat Sakinan-i-Hindustan dar bad tarraqi ta' lim ahl-i.Hind, Ghazipore, 1863.

43. Lecture dar bab targhib wa tahris talim itfal-i-Musalmanan, in 1895, Agra 1896.

44. Lecture Madrasaat ul-Ulum Aligarh Key Tarikhi halat

UykjhuhfPar, Agra. 1889.

45. Lecture Ijlas Dahum Muhammadan Educational Conference, Agra, 1896.

46. Lecture Muta'liq Ijlas Yazdahum Muhammadan Educational Conference, Agra, 1896.

47. Majmu'a Resolution Haye dah sala (Resolutions passed by the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental Educational Conference from 1886 to 1895) ed. by Sir Syed Ahmad, Agra, 1896.

48. Report Salana (Annual Report of the Boarding House of Madrasat-ul-Ulum 1879–1880).

Sir Syed with his son Syed Mahmood, grand son Syed Ross Masood, and some admirers.

Collected works[edit]

49. Khutut-i-Sir Syed, ed Ross Masud, 1924.

50. Majuma Lecture Kaye Sir Syed ed. Munshi Sirajuddin, Sadhora 1892.

51. Maqalat-i-Sir-Syed ed. by 'Abdullah Khvesgri, Aligarh, 1952.

52. Maqalat-i-Sir Syed, ed. By Muhammad Ismail, Lahore,

53. Makatib-i-Sir Syed, Mustaq Husain, Delhi, 1960.

54. Maktubat-i-Sir Syed, Muhammad Ismail Panipati, Lahore, 1959.

55. Makummal Majumua Lectures wa speeches. ed. Malik Fazaluddin, Lahore, 1900.

56. Muktubat al-Khullan ed. Mohd. Usman Maqbul, Aligarh 1915.

57. Tasanif-i-Ahmadiya (Collection of Syed Ahmad Khan's works on religions topics) in 8 parts.

58. Stress on Holy Quran.

59. Reformation of Faith.

Miscellaneous[edit]

58. On the Use of the Sector (Urdu), Syed-ul-Akbar, 1846.

59. Qaul-i-Matin dar Ibtal-i-Harkat i Zamin, Delhi, 1848.

60. Tashil fi Jar-a-Saqil, Agra, 1844.

61. Ik Nadan Khuda Parast aur Dana dunyadar Ki Kahani, Badaon, 1910.

62. Kalamat-ul-Haqq, Aligarh

Journals, reports, and proceedings[edit]

1. Tehzeeb-ul-Ikhlaq.

2. Aligarh Institute Gazette.

3. Proceedings of the Muhammadens Educational Conference.

4. An Account of the Loyal Muhammadans of India, Parts I, II, III, Moufussel Press, Meerut, 1860.

5. Proceedings of the Scientific Society.

6. By-Laws of the Scientific Society.

7. Addresses and speeches relating to the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College in Aligarh (1875–1898) ed. Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk, Aligarh, 1898.

See also[edit]

Tafazzul Husain Kashmiri

Aligarh Muslim University

Aligarh Movement

All India Muhammadan Educational Conference

Two-nation theory

Muslim nationalism in South Asia

All India Muslim League

Islamic Modernism

LIAQUAT ALI KHAN :

Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan (Navābzādā Liāqat Alī Khān listen (help·info), Urdu: لِیاقت علی خان‎ ; 1 October 1895 – 16 October 1951), widely known as Quaid-e-Millat (Leader of the Nation) and Shaheed-e-Millat (Urdu: شہِیدِ مِلّت‎ Martyr of the Nation), was a Pakistani statesman, lawyer, political theorist, and one of the leading founding fathers of Pakistan. He became the first Prime Minister of Pakistan; he also held cabinet portfolio as the first foreign, defence, and the frontier regions minister from 1947 until his assassination in 1951. Prior to the partition, Khan briefly tenured as the first finance minister in the interim government led by its Governor General Mountbatten.

He was born in Karnal, Punjab Province on 1 October 1895. Liaquat Ali Khan was educated at the Aligarh Muslim University in India, and then at the Oxford University.[citation needed] Well-educated, he was a democratic political theorist who promoted parliamentarism in India. After first being invited by the Congress Party, he opted for the Muslim League led by influential Ali Murtaza Jaffery Syed who was advocating the eradication of the injustices and ill-treatment meted out to Indian Muslims by the British government. He pursued his role in the independence movements of India and Pakistan, while serving as the first Finance Minister in the interim government of British Indian Empire, prior to the independence and partition of India in 1947.[citation needed] Ali Khan assisted Jinnah in campaigning for the creation of a separate state for Indian Muslims.

Ali Khan's credentials secured him the appointment of Pakistan's first Prime Minister, Ali Khan's foreign policy sided with the United States and the West, though his foreign policy was determined to be a part of the Non Aligned Movement. Facing internal political unrest, his government survived an attempted coup by nationalists, leftists and communists spearheaded by segments of the army. Nonetheless, his influence grew further after Jinnah's death, and he was responsible for promulgating the Objectives Resolution. In 1951, at a political rally in Rawalpindi, Ali Khan was assassinated by a hired assassin, Saad Akbar.

Early life[edit]

Family background and education[edit]

Muhammad Liaquat Ali Khan[1] was born at Karnal, then in the Punjab Province of British India, on 1 October 1895 in a rich Jat family.[2][3] Despite being "courteous, affable and socially popular" and coming from an aristocratic family known for its philanthropy, his biographer Muhammad Reza Kazimi notes that little is known of his early life and that which is has to be pieced together from snippets of mostly hagiographic writings. The family claimed a Persian origin going back to Nausherwan the Just, the Saasanid king of Persia, although this may be no more than legend, and they were settled in Karnal by the time of his grandfather, Nawab Ahmad Ali Khan.[4] They had adopted the Urdu language, and Liaquat was thus a native Urdu speaker.[5]

According to his family, Nawab Ahmad Ali Khan gained sufficient prestige that the British East India Company recognised him with titles such as Rukun-al-Daulah, Shamsher Jang and Nawab Bahadur, which they say were later inherited by his sons. The validity of those titles has been questioned because the family estates in Karnal were diminished as a result of the Indian Rebellion of 1857, after which Karnal itself ceased to be an autonomous area.[6]

His family had deep respect for the Indian Muslim thinker and philosopher Syed Ahmad Khan, and his father had a desire for the young Liaqat Ali Khan to be educated in the British educational system; therefore, his family sent Ali Khan to the famous Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), where he obtained degrees in law and political science.[citation needed]

In 1913, Ali Khan attended the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College (now Aligarh Muslim University), graduating with a BSc degree in Political science and LLB in 1918, and married his cousin, Jehangira Begum, also in 1918, however the couple later separated.[citation needed] After the death of his father in 1919, Ali Khan, with British Government awarding the grants and scholarship, went to England, attending Oxford University's Exeter College to pursue his higher education.[citation needed] In 1921, Ali Khan was awarded the Master of Law in Law and Justice, by the college faculty who also conferred on him a Bronze Medallion.[citation needed] While a graduate student at Oxford, Ali Khan actively participated in student unions and was elected Honorary Treasurer of the Majlis Society—a student union founded by Indian Muslim students to promote the Indian students' rights at the university.[citation needed] He was called to the Bar at the Inner Temple of London in 1922 but never practised.[7]

Political activism in British India[edit]

Ali Khan returned to his homeland India in 1923, entering in national politics, determining to eradicate to what he saw as the injustice and ill-treatment of Indian Muslims under the British Indian Government and the British Government.[citation needed] His political philosophy strongly emphasised a divided India, first gradually believing in the Indian nationalism. The Congress leadership approached to Ali Khan to become a part of the party, but after attending the meeting with Jawaharlal Nehru, Ali Khan's political views and ambitions gradually changed.[citation needed] Therefore, Ali Khan refused, informing the Congress Party about his decision, and instead joining the Muslim League in 1923, led under another lawyer Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Soon Jinnah called for an annual session meeting in May 1924, in Lahore, where the goals, boundaries, party programmes, vision, and revival of the League, was an initial party agenda and, was carefully discussed at the Lahore caucus. At this meeting, Khan was among those who attended this conference, and recommending the new goals for the party.[citation needed]

United Province legislation[edit]

Ali Khan was elected to the provisional legislative council in the 1926 elections from the rural Muslim constituency of Muzzaffarnagar. Ali Khan embarked his parliamentary career, representing the United Provinces at the Legislative Council in 1926. In 1932, he was unanimously elected Deputy President of UP Legislative Council.[citation needed]

During this time, Ali Khan intensified his support in Muslim dominated populations, often raising the problems and challenges faced by the Muslim communities in the United Province. Ali Khan joined hands with academician Sir Ziauddin Ahmed, taking to organize the Muslim students communities into one student union, advocating for the provisional rights of the Muslim state. His strong advocacy for Muslims rights had brought him into national prominence and significant respect was also gained from Hindu communities whom he fought against them at higher hierarchy of the government. Ali Khan remained the elected member of the UP Legislative Council until 1940, when he was proceeded to elect to the Central Legislative Assembly; he participated actively, and was the influential member in legislative affairs, where his recommendations would also noted by other members.[citation needed]

In his parliamentary career, Ali Khan established his reputation as "eloquent and principled spokesman" who would never compromise on his principles even in the face of severe odds. Ali Khan, on several occasions, used his influence and good offices for the resolution of communal tension.[8]

Allying with Muslim League[edit]

Ali Khan rose to become one of the influential members of the Muslim League, and was one of the central figure in the Muslim League delegation that attended the National Convention held at Calcutta. Earlier the British Government had formed the Simon Commission to recommend the constitutional and territorial reforms to the British Government. The commission, compromising the seven British Members of Parliament, headed under its Chairman Sir John Simon, met briefly with Congress Party and Muslim League leaders. The commission had introduced the system of dyarchy to govern the provinces of British India, but these revision met with harsh critic and clamoured by the Indian public. Motilal Nehru presented his Nehru Report to counter British charges.[9] In December 1928, Ali Khan and Jinnah decided to discuss the Nehru Report. In 1930, Ali Khan and Jinnah attended the First Round Table Conference, but it ended in disaster, leading Jinnah to depart from British India to Great Britain.[10] In 1932, Ali Khan married for a second time to Begum Ra'ana who was a prominent economist and academic who became an influential figure in the Pakistan movement.[11]

Ali Khan firmed believed against the unity of Hindu-Muslim community, and worked tirelessly for that cause. In his party presidential address delivered at the Provisional Muslim Education Conference at AMU in 1932, Ali Khan expressed the view that Muslims had "distinct [c]ulture of their own and had the (every) right to persevere it".[9] At this conference, Liaquat Ali Khan announced that:

But, days of rapid communalism, in this country (British India) are numbered.., and we shall ere witnessed long the united Hindu-Muslim India anxious to persevere and maintain all that rich and valuable heritage which the contact of two great cultures bequeathed us. We all believe in the great destiny of our common motherland to achieve which common assets are but invaluable[9]

Soon, he and his new wife departed to England, but did not terminate his connections with the Muslim League. With Ali Khan departing, the Muslim League's parliamentary wing disintegrated, with many Muslim members joining the either Democratic Party, originally organized by Ali Khan in 1930, and the Congress Party. At the deputation in England, Ali Khan made close study of organizing the political parties, and would soon return to his country with Jinnah.[9]

In 1930, Jinnah urged Prime minister Ramsay MacDonald and his Viceroy Lord Irwin to convene a Round Table Conferences in London. In spite of what Jinnah was expecting, the conference was a complete failure, forcing Jinnah to retire from national politics and permanently settle in London and practise law before the Privy Council.[12][13][page needed]

During this time, Liaquat Ali Khan and his wife joined Jinnah, with Ali Khan practising economic law and his wife joining the faculty of economics at the local college. Ali Khan and his wife spent most of their time convincing Jinnah to return to British India to unite the scattered Muslim League mass into one full force. Meanwhile, Choudhry Rahmat Ali coined the term Pakstan in his famous pamphlet Now or Never; Are We to Live or Perish Forever?.[13][page needed]

Pakistan movement[edit]

Main articles: Pakistan Movement, Indian independence movement, and Pakistan Resolution

When Muhammad Ali Jinnah returned to India, he started to reorganise the Muslim League. In 1936, the annual session of the League met in Bombay (now Mumbai). In the open session on 12 April 1936, Jinnah moved a resolution proposing Khan as the Honorary General Secretary. The resolution was unanimously adopted and he held the office till the establishment of Pakistan in 1947. In 1940, Khan was made the deputy leader of the Muslim League Parliamentary party. Jinnah was not able to take active part in the proceedings of the Assembly on account of his heavy political work. It was Khan who stood in his place. During this period, Khan was also the Honorary General Secretary of the Muslim League, the deputy leader of their party, Convenor of the Action Committee of the Muslim League, Chairman of the Central Parliamentary Board and the managing director of the newspaper Dawn.[citation needed]

Liquat Ali Khan (second left, first row) and wife, Sheila Irene Pant (far right, first row), meeting with the Nawab of Amb in 1948.

The Pakistan Resolution was adopted in 1940 at the Lahore session of the Muslim League. The same year elections were held for the central legislative assembly which were contested by Khan from the Barielly constituency. He was elected without contest. When the twenty-eighth session of the League met in Madras (now Chennai) on 12 April 1941, Jinnah told party members that the ultimate aim was to obtain Pakistan. In this session, Khan moved a resolution incorporating the objectives of the Pakistan Resolution in the aims and objectives of the Muslim League. The resolution was seconded and passed unanimously.[citation needed]

In 1945–46, mass elections were held in India and Khan won the Central Legislature election from the Meerut Constituency in the United Provinces. He was also elected Chairman of the League's Central Parliamentary Board. The Muslim League won 87% of seats reserved for Muslims of British India.[14] He assisted Jinnah in his negotiations with the members of the Cabinet Mission and the leaders of the Congress during the final phases of the Freedom Movement and it was decided that an interim government would be formed consisting of members of the Congress, the Muslim League and minority leaders. When the Government asked the Muslim League to send five nominees for representation in the interim government, Khan was asked to lead the League group in the cabinet. He was given the portfolio of finance.[citation needed] The other four men nominated by the League were Ibrahim Ismail Chundrigar, Ghazanfar Ali Khan, Abdur Rab Nishtar, and Jogendra Nath Mandal.[15] By this point, the British government and the Indian National Congress had both accepted the idea of Pakistan and therefore on 14 August 1947, Pakistan came into existence.[10]

Prime Minister of Pakistan (1947-51)[edit]

Ali Khan administration: Immigration and census[edit]

Liaquat Ali Khan meeting President Truman

After independence, Khan was appointed as the first Prime Minister of Pakistan by the founding fathers of Pakistan. Quaid Azam Muhammad Ali janah took oath from Liaqat Ali Khan.[16][better source needed] The country was born during the initial beginning of the extensive competition between the two world superpowers, the United States and Soviet Union. Khan faced with mounted challenges and difficulties while trying to administer the country. Khan and the Muslim League faced dual competitions with socialists in West-Pakistan and, the communists in East Pakistan. The Muslim League found it difficult to compete with socialists in West Pakistan, and lost considerable support in favor of socialists led by Marxist leader Faiz Ahmad Faiz. In East Pakistan, the Muslim League's political base was eliminated by the Pakistan Communist Party after a staging of a mass protest.[17]

On the internal front, Khan, faced with socialist nationalist challenges and different religious ideologies saw the country fall into more unrest. Problems with Soviet Union and Soviet bloc further escalated after Khan failed to make a visit to Soviet Union, due to his hidden intentions. Khan envisioned an un-aligned foreign policy, and the country became more inclined to the United States and this ultimately influenced Khan's policy towards the communist bloc.[17]

His government faced serious challenges including the dispute over Kashmir with India, forcing Khan to approach his counterpart the Prime minister of India Jawaharlal Nehru. A settlement was reached to end the fighting, while Nehru also referred the issue to the United Nations. Ali Khan send the recommendation to Jinnah to appoint Abdul Rashid as country's first Chief Justice, and Justice Abdur Rahim as President of Constitutional Assembly, both of them were also founding fathers of Pakistan. Some of the earliest reforms Khan took were to centralize the Muslim League, and he planned and prepared the Muslim League to become the leading authority of Pakistan.[17]

Economic and education policy[edit]

Main article: Five-Year Plans of Pakistan

Prime minister Ali Khan meeting with President and faculty of the MIT.

As Prime Minister Ali Khan took initiatives to develop educational infrastructure, science and technology in the country, with the intention of carrying the vision of successful development of science and technology to aid the essential foreign policy of Pakistan. In 1947, with Jinnah inviting physicist Rafi Muhammad Chaudhry to Pakistan, Liaquat Ali Khan called upon chemist Salimuzzaman Siddiqui, awarding him citizenship, and appointing him as his first government science adviser in 1950. During this same time, Khan also called physicist and mathematician Raziuddin Siddiqui, asking him to plan and establish educational research institutes in the country and develop an anti India programs. Khan asked Ziauddin Ahmed to draft the national educational policy, which was submitted to his office in November 1947, and a road map to establishing education in the country was quickly adopted by Khan's government.[18]

Khan's government authorized the establishment of the Sindh University. Under his government, science infrastructure was slowly built but he continued inviting Muslim scientists and engineers from India to Pakistan, believing it essential for Pakistan's future progress.[18]

In 1947, Khan and his Finance minister Malick Ghulam proposed the idea of Five-Year Plans, by putting the country's economic system on investment and capitalism grounds. Focusing on an initial planned economic system under the directives of private sector and consortium industries in 1948, economic planning began to take place during his time in office, but soon collapsed partly because of unsystematic and inadequate staffing. Khan's economic policies were soon heavily dependent on United States aid to the country. In spite of planning an independent economic policy, Khan's economic policies focused on the United States' aid programme, on the other hand, Nehru focused on socialism and went on to be a part of Non Aligned Movement.[19] An important event during his premiership was the establishment of a National Bank in November 1949, and the installation of a paper currency mill in Karachi.[20] Unlike his Indian counterpart Jawaharlal Nehru, under Khan Pakistan's economy was planned, but also an open free market economy[19]

Constitutional annex[edit]

Main article: Annex to the Constitution of Pakistan

During his early days in office, Khan first adopted the Government of India Act 1935 to administer the country, although his lawmakers and legislators continued to work on a different document of governance. Finally in 1949 after Jinnah's death, Prime Minister Khan intensified his vision to establish an Islamic-based system in the country, presenting the Objectives Resolution—a prelude to future constitutions, in the Constituent Assembly.[21] The house passed it on 12 March 1949, but it was met with criticism from his Law Minister Jogendra Nath Mandal who argued against it.[22][page needed] Severe criticism were also raised by MP Ayaz Amir On the other hand, Liquat Ali Khan described as this bill as the "Magna Carta" of Pakistan's constitutional history.[23] Khan called it "the most important occasion in the life of this country, next in importance, only to the achievement of independence". Under his leadership, a team of legislators also drafted the first report of the Basic Principle Committee and work began on the second report.[21]

War with India[edit]

Main article: Indo-Pakistani War of 1947

At a meeting of the Partition Council, Liaquat Ali Khan had rejected an offer from Vallabhbhai Patel regarding Kashmir and Hyderabad State. Patel had offered Kashmir to Pakistan in exchange for Pakistan relinquishing its claim to Hyderabad. Ali rejected this offer, preferring to keep Hyderabad, ignoring that the distance between the two would prevent Hyderabad's accession to Pakistan in any case. Pakistani statesman Shaukat Hayat Khan resigned in protest of this folly; Hyderabad went to India anyway; and the two nations went to war over Kashmir.[24][25]

Soon after appointing a new government, Pakistan entered a war with India over Kashmir. The British commander of the Pakistan Army General Sir Frank Walter Messervy refused to attack the Indian army units. When General Douglas Gracey was appointed the commander in chief of the Pakistan Army, Liaquat Ali Khan ordered the independent units of the Pakistan Army to intervene in the conflict. On the Kashmir issue, Khan and Jinnah's policy reflected "Pakistan's alliance with U.S and United Kingdom" against "Indian imperialism" and "Soviet expansion". However, it is revealed by historians that differences and disagreement with Jinnah arose over the Kashmir issue. Jinnah's strategy to liberate Kashmir was to use military force. Thus, Jinnah's strategy was to "kill two birds with one stone", namely decapitate India by controlling Kashmir, and to find a domestic solution through foreign and military intervention.[26]

On Khan's personal accounts and views, the prime minister preferred a "harder diplomatic" and "less military stance".[26] The prime minister sought a dialogue with his counterpart, and agreed to resolve the dispute of Kashmir in a peaceful manner through the efforts of the United Nations. According to this agreement a ceasefire was effected in Kashmir on 1 January 1949. It was decided that a free and impartial plebiscite would be held under the supervision of the UN.[27] The prime minister's diplomatic stance was met with hostility by the Pakistan Armed Forces and the socialists and communists, notably the mid-higher level command who would later sponsor an alleged coup led by the communists and socialists against his government.[26]

Soviet Union and United States[edit]

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Main articles: Pakistan–Soviet Union relations, United States-Pakistan relations, China–Pakistan relations, Pakistan-Poland relations, and Non-Aligned Movement

In 1949, the Soviet Union's leader, Joseph Stalin, sent an invitation to Ali Khan to visit the country, followed by a U.S. invitation after they learned of the Soviet move. In May 1950, Khan paid a state visit to the United States after being persuaded to snap ties with the Soviet Union, and set the course of Pakistan's foreign policy towards closer ties with the West, despite it being the Soviet Union who sent its invitation of Khan to visit the country first.[28] The visit further cemented strong ties between the two countries and brought them closer.[29] To many sources, Khan's formulated policies were focused on Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, and his trip to U.S. in 1950, Khan had made clear that Pakistan's foreign policy was neutrality.[28] Being a newly born nation with trouble in planning the economy, Khan asked the U.S. for economic and moral support to enable it to stand in its feet. The United States gladly accepted the offer and continued its aid throughout the years. But ties deteriorated after the United States asked Khan to send two combat divisions to support U.S. military operations in the Korean War. Khan wanted to send the divisions, but asked the U.S. for assurances on Kashmir and the Pashtunisation issue, which the U.S. declined to give. Khan decided not to send the divisions, a clear indication that Pakistan was working towards the Non-Aligned Movement. The United States began work on a policy to keep Pakistan impartial, and India on the other hand, remained a keystone to bringing stability in South Asia. By June and July 1951, Pakistan's relations with U.S. deteriorated further, with Nehru visiting the United States, pressuring Pakistan to recall her troops from Kashmir.[29]

Khan's authorization of aggressive policies towards India, escalating to another war, had the U.S. worried. In an official meeting with Commander-in-Chief of the Army General Ayub Khan, Khan famously said: "I am sick and tired of these alarms and excursions. Let's fight it out!". Following the Abadan Crisis, the U.S. began to pressure Khan to persuade Iran to transfer control of its oil fields to the United States., which Khan refused to do. The U.S. threatened to cut off economic support to Pakistan and to annul the secret pact on Kashmir with India. After hearing this from the U.S. Ambassador Avra Warren, Khan's mood was much more aggressive, and he reportedly said: "Pakistan has annexed half of Kashmir without American support and would be able to take the other half too". Khan also demanded U.S. evacuate its military bases in Pakistan. In a declassified document, Khan's statements and aggressive mood were a "bombshell" for President Truman's presidency and for U.S. foreign policy. In 1950, President Truman requested Khan to provide a military base for the Central Intelligence Agency to keep an eye on Soviet Union, which Khan hesitated and later refused to do, prompting the U.S. to begin planning to remove him from the country's politics once and for all. The documents also point out that the U.S. reportedly hired the Pashtun assassins, promising the Afghan pashtuns to established the single state of Pashtunistan in 1952.[citation needed]

Pakistan cannot afford to wait. She must take her friends where she finds them...!

— Liaquat Ali Khan calling the Soviet Union and China., [30]

Khan began to developed tighter relations with the Soviet Union, China, Poland, and Iran under its Premier Mohammed Mossadegh as well. Khan sent invitations to Stalin and the Polish Communist leader Władysław Gomułka to visit the country. However, the visits never happened after Khan was assassinated and Stalin died. In 1948, Pakistan established relations with the Soviet Union, and an agreement was announced a month later. The offing of U.S. trade had frustrated Khan, therefore, Khan sent career Foreign service officer Jamsheed Marker as Pakistan Ambassador to the Soviet Union, a few months later, a Soviet Ambassador arrived in Pakistan, with her large staff and accompanied military attaches. In 1950, Ali Khan established relations with China by sending his ambassador, making Pakistan to become first Muslim country to established relations with China, a move which further dismayed the United States. While in Iran, Liaquat Ali Khan talked to the Soviet Ambassador and Moscow promptly extended an invitation to him to visit the Soviet Union.[30]

Struggle for control[edit]

After the 1947 war and the Balochistan conflict, Ali Khan's ability to run the country was put in doubt and great questions were raised by the communists and socialists active in the country.[26] In 1947–48 period, Ali Khan-Jinnah relations was contentious, and the senior military leadership and Jinnah himself became critical of Khan's government.[31] In his last months, Jinnah came to believe that his prime minister Khan was a weak prime minister—highly ambitious—and not loyal to Jinnah and his vision in his dying days.[26]

Prime minister Ali Khan addressing the American public at the local ceremony.

The death of Jinnah was announced in 1948, as a new cabinet was also re-established. Ali Khan faced the problem of religious minorities during late 1949 and early 1950, and observers feared that India and Pakistan were about to fight their second war in the first three years of their independence. At this time, Ali Khan met Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to sign the Liaquat-Nehru Pact in 1950. The pact was an effort to improve relations and reduce tension between India and Pakistan, and to protect the religious minorities on both sides of the border.[citation needed]

Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan did not take over the office of Governor-General, instead appointing Khawaja Nazimuddin, a Bengali statesman from East-Pakistan. When Jinnah died, he had held three major positions: Governor-General; President of Muslim League; and the Constituent Assembly of which he served both its president and legal adviser. Although Ali Khan was a legislator and lawyer, he lacked Jinnah's political stature.[26]

Differences and problems also leveled up with the Pakistan Armed Forces, and a local and native section of Pakistan Army was completely hostile towards Ali Khan's diplomatic approach with India. The existence of high level opposition was revealed in the Rawalpindi conspiracy, sponsored by Chief of General Staff Major-General Akbar Khan, and headed by communist leader Faiz Ahmad Faiz. Another difference came when Khan also intensified policies to make the country a parliamentary democracy and federal republic. During his tenure, Khan supervised the promulgation of the October Objectives in 1949 which passed by the Constituent Assembly. The document was aimed as an Islamic, democratic and federal constitution and government. Disagreement existed about the approach and methods to realize these aims.[26]

The third major difference was itself in the Muslim League, the party had weak political structure with no public base ground or support. Its activities reveled in high factionalism, low commitment to resolve public problems, corruption and incompetency of planning social and economics programmes. In East Pakistan, Ali Khan's lack of attention for the development of the Bengali section of the state brought about a bad juncture for the prime minister and his party, where its ideology was vague. In terms of its political base, it was both weak and narrow, and could not compete in West-Pakistan as well as in East-Pakistan where traditional families were endowed with enormous political power. In West Pakistan, the Muslim League failed to compete against the socialists, and in East Pakistan the communists.[26]

1951 military scandal[edit]

Ali Khan's relation with General Sir Douglas Gracey deteriorated, prompting General Gracey to retire soon after the conflict. In January 1951, Ali Khan approved the appointment of General Ayub Khan to succeed Gracey as the first native Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army.[citation needed]

During this time the socialists gained a significant amount of support. Senior military leaders and prominent socialists plotted to overthrow the government of Ali Khan. Those involved reportedly included Chief of General Staff Major General Akbar Khan and Marxist-socialist politician Faiz Ahmad Faiz, the leaders of the coup plot. The Military Police arrested many in the military services; more than 14 officers were charged for plotting the coup. The Rawalpindi Conspiracy, as it became known, was the first attempted coup in Pakistan's history. The arrested conspirators were tried in secret and given lengthy jail sentences.[32]

Assassination[edit]

On 16 October 1951, Khan was shot twice in the chest while he was addressing a gathering of 100,000 at Company Bagh (Company Gardens), Rawalpindi.[33][34] The police immediately shot the presumed murderer who was later identified as professional assassin Said Akbar.[34] Khan was rushed to a hospital and given a blood transfusion, but he succumbed to his injuries. Said Akbar Babrak was an Afghan national from the Pashtun Zadran tribe.[35] He was known to Pakistani police prior to the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan. The exact motive behind the assassination has never been fully revealed and much speculation surrounds it.[36] An Urdu daily published in Bhopal, India, saw a Russian hand behind the assassination.[37]

Upon his death, Khan was given the honorific title of "Shaheed-e-Millat", or "Martyr of the Nation". He is buried at Mazar-e-Quaid, the mausoleum built for Jinnah in Karachi.[citation needed] The Municipal Park, where he was assassinated, was renamed Liaquat Bagh (Bagh means Garden) in his honor. It is the same location where ex-Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto was assassinated in 2007.[38]

First cabinet and appointments[edit]

The Ali Khan Cabinet

Ministerial office

Officer holder

Term

Prime minister

Liaquat Ali Khan

1947–1951

Governor-General

Muhammad Ali Jinnah

Sir Khawaja Nazimuddin

1947–1948

1948–1951

Foreign Affairs

Sir Zafrullah Khan

1947–1954

Treasury, Economic

Malik Ghulam

1947–1954

Law, Justice, Labor

Jogendra Nath Mandal

1947–1951

Interior

Khwaja Shahabuddin

1948–1951

Defence

Iskander Mirza

1947–1954

Science advisor

Salimuzzaman Siddiqui

1951–1959

Education, Health

Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry

1947–1956

Finance, Statistics

Sir Victor Turner

1947–1951

Minorities, Women

Sheila Irene Pant

1947–1951

Communications

Abdur Rab Nishtar

1947–1951

Legacy[edit]

The historical photo of family of L.A. Khan his wife and children, 1949 circa.

He is Pakistan's longest serving Prime Minister spending 1,524 days in power, a record which has stood for 63 years to the present.[39] His legacy was built up as a man who was the "martyr for democracy in the newly founded country. Many in Pakistan saw him as a man who sacrificed his life to preserve the parliamentary system of government. After his death, his wife remained an influential figure in the Pakistani foreign service, and was also the Governor of Sindh Province in the 1970s. Liaquat Ali Khan's assassination remains an unsolved mystery, and all traces leading to the conspirator were removed. Popularly, he is known as Quaid-i-Millat (Leader of the Nation) and Shaheed-i-Millat (Martyr of Nation), by his supporters. His assassination was a first political murder of any civilian leader in Pakistan, and Liaqat Ali Khan is remembered fondly by most Pakistanis. In an editorial written by Daily Jang, the media summed up that "his name will remain shining forever on the horizon of Pakistan".[12]

In Pakistan, Liaquat Ali Khan is regarded as Jinnah's "right hand man" and heir apparent, though Jinnah once had said. His role in filling in the vacuum created by Jinnah's death is seen as decisive in tackling critical problems during Pakistan's fledgling years and in devising measures for the consolidation of Pakistan. After his death, the government of Pakistan released a commemorative stamp and his face is printed on postage stamps across the country.[12]

Liaquat Ali Khan's former personal residence is located at Jansath Tehsil of Muzaffarnagar, Uttar Pradesh about 80 km from his ancestral estate and is now being considered by the Uttar Pradesh government to be opened as a tourist destination. His family had strong ties with the British Government.[40]

Eponym[edit]

Liaquat National Library, country's largest library and open-source library, named after him.

Liaquat University of Medical and Health Sciences, medical university established in the memory of Liaquat Ali Khan.

Liaquat National Hospital, government hospital named after Liaquat Ali Khan.

Liaquat National Garden, government-owned garden where Liaquat Ali Khan was assassinated.

Liaquat Pur, census-designated town-city named after Liaquat Ali Khan.

Liaquat Pur Railway Station, a railway station in Liaquatpur also named after Liaquat Ali Khan.

Liaquatabad Town, a populated town in Karachi named after Liaquat Ali Khan.

Criticism[edit]

Liaquat Ali Khan was criticized for not visiting the Soviet Union, whereas he did go to the United States. This was perceived as a rebuff to Moscow, and has been traced to profound adverse consequences, including Soviet help to India, most prominently in the 1971 war which ultimately led to the separation of East Pakistan.[citation needed]

The Daily Times, leading English language newspaper, held Liaquat Ali Khan responsible for mixing religion and politics, pointing out that "Liaquat Ali Khan had no constituency in the country, his hometown was left behind in India. Bengalis were a majority in the newly created state of Pakistan and this was a painful reality for him". According to the Daily Times, Liaquat Ali Khan and his legal team restrained from writing down the constitution, the reason was simple. The Bengali demographic majority would have been granted political power and, Liaquat Ali Khan would have been sent out of the prime minister's office. The Secularists also held him responsible for promoting the Right-wing political forces controlling the country in the name of Islam and further politicized the Islam, despite its true nature.[41]

Assessment of foreign policy[edit]

Others argue that Khan had wanted Pakistan to remain neutral in the Cold War, as declared three days after Pakistan's independence when he declared that Pakistan would take no sides in the conflict of ideologies between the nations.[42] Former serviceman Shahid M. Amin has argued that the Soviets themselves could not settle convenient dates for a visit, and that, even during his visit to the United States, Liaquat had declared his intention to visit the Soviet Union. Amin also notes that "Failure to visit a country in response to its invitations has hardly ever become the cause of long-term estrangement.[43]

Popular culture[edit]

In Pakistan alone, many documentaries, stage and television dramas have been produced to enlightened Liaqat Ali Khan's struggle. Internationally, Liaquat Ali Khan's character was portrayed by Pakistan's stage actor Yousuf "Shakeel" Kamal in the 1998 film Jinnah.[44]