(Act 1) Prologue - The Era of Crises

On November 11, 1918, the guns had finally fallen silent on the Western front. After four years of brutal trench warfare, millions of deaths, and suffering, the Great War had come to an end. The Central Powers had lost, and the Entente had prevailed at a great cost—generations of young men lost, and their economies on the brink of collapse. But as the participants began to demobilize their forces, they also started preparing themselves for another battlefield.

That battlefield was not fought with guns and soldiers; instead, the pen and paper were its weapons. It was a battlefield of politics and diplomacy, the one that would truly shape the post-war world.

The Paris Peace Conference would begin on January 13, 1919. There, the fate of Germany was discussed, argued, and ultimately decided. But that was not all. During that very conference, a proposal would be put forward for an international organization with the goal of preventing future conflicts—the League of Nations.

During the talks for the Covenant of the League of Nations, on February 13, the Japanese delegation participating in the conference would present the so-called Racial Equality Proposal, amending Article 21 of the Covenant.

The concept of the proposal was that every nation would be considered equal, and every member of the league would provide equal and just treatment to any nation in every respect, without distinction based on race or nationality. Although the writing of the Racial Equality Proposal was universalist, its true values were only for the equality of people from member states. In other words, it was an indirect way for the representatives from the Empire of Japan to compel the Western Great Powers to recognize them as equals.

The proposal was controversial to many Western leaders, and in particular to Woodrow Wilson, the President of the United States and the chairman of the conference, who wanted to discard it. Talks and discussions regarding the proposal took place, deals were agreed upon, and changes were made, until April 11, 1919, when the last session regarding the Racial Equality Proposal was held.

On that day, the representatives of each nation cast their vote regarding the proposal, and the result was... 11 votes for yes out of a total of 17, without a single vote for no. It was clearly a landslide victory. But there was still one obstacle: the chairman's approval. There was no way President Woodrow Wilson would ever accept such a proposal. However, either by chance or fate, he was not present at the conference that day due to poor health. So a substitute had to replace him as chairman.

With the given results, the American chairman got up from his seat and announced that the Racial Equality Proposal would be added to the Covenant of the League of Nations, as decided by the members. Much to the chagrin of President Wilson and those who opposed it, while in Japan, the proposal had the desired effect of appeasing part of the population that was against the League and cooperation with the West, partly thanks to the close following and wide coverage of the Japanese media gave to the proposal.

The Paris Peace Conference continued until January 21, 1920, when it ended alongside the inauguration of the General Assembly of the League of Nations. Having achieved their desired goals in the conference, Prime Minister Hara Takashi would be able to move forward with his plans to steer Japan back to the West.

The early 1920s

The first half of the 1920s for Japan would be controversial for Prime Minister Hara Takashi, mainly due to their intervention in Siberia during the Russian Civil War. The increasingly failed intervention shredded wartime unity in the nation, and conflicts between the Army and the government began in earnest.

The situation deteriorated to the point that on November 4, 1921, an ultranationalist named Nakaoka Kon'ichi attempted to assassinate the Prime Minister at the time, Hara Takashi. There were many reasons behind the attempt, but one, in particular, was related to the handling of the Nikolayevsk Incident. However, Nakaoka ultimately failed as he mistakenly stabbed a bystander whom he had confused for the Prime Minister, turning him into nothing more than a footnote in the annals of history.

It was also during Hara's term that Japan participated in the Washington Naval Conference between 1921 and 1922. The conference was held to prevent another expensive naval arms race, this time between Britain, the US, and Japan. Initially, at the conference, the American delegation was able to push the other delegations, especially the Japanese delegation, into accepting a series of conditions under their terms for the Naval Treaty, thanks to their espionage on the diplomatic cables of the participating nations.

Although the proposed American clauses of the treaty would later be considered fair and more beneficial to Japan, they had one key problem at the time. For the Japanese people and admirals at that time, the proposed American treaty made them feel unsafe. The proposed ratio of 5:5:3 was seen as too little for Japan to be capable of defending itself against America, especially as the treaty also prohibited the construction of fortifications in the Pacific islands. If this treaty had been signed, it would have definitively caused a rift in the Imperial Japanese Navy and possibly strengthened the Ultranationalist and anti-West factions.

Yet, that was not to be. During the final stages of the negotiations, due to reasons lost to time, news of the American Black Chamber's espionage on the diplomatic lines of the conference participants spread like wildfire. The participants who were on the verge of agreeing to the American terms all withdrew their agreements. After all, how could they know if the Americans hadn't pushed their terms with the intention of gaining an unfair naval advantage?

The situation only worsened when the Japanese delegation threatened to leave the conference, and a potential war between Japan and America seemed more likely. Britain and its empire would have had to join on the side of Japan as per the terms of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. Because of that, the Americans were forced to back down on their original proposal, and a new treaty had to be negotiated. After lengthy discussions, the new treaty was agreed upon, which dictated a series of new clauses, some of which were:

A standard replacement of 42,000 tons for capital ships and 33,000 tons for carriers.A tonnage ratio of 20:20:14:8:8 for capital ships and a ratio of 10:10:7:4:4 for carriers.A gradual replacement of capital ships as long as their production did not exceed one-fifth of their total allowed tonnage.Carriers, on the other hand, were only allowed to be conversions until 1926. From then, half of the carrier construction was to be conversions until 1930. After that, the construction of purpose-built carriers would be fully allowed within their allowed tonnage. Like capital ships, their production also could not exceed one-fifth of their total allowed tonnage.The maximum gun caliber for battleships would be 406mm or 16 inches.

The new agreement, which was much closer to what the Japanese delegation originally wanted, was signed and ratified by all high contractors of the Treaty. In Japan, the population still saw the Americans with suspicion due to their espionage, but the new treaty helped to appease both the common populace and especially the navy. As the new treaty satisfied most of the IJN, securing their support for the government.

Alongside the treaty, due to American espionage, the Anglo-Japanese alliance was renewed in secrecy. Partly driven by a growing, albeit temporary, distrust of the USA by Britain, this secret treaty was meant to outmaneuver the US in case it attempted to spread its influence in either British or Japanese areas of influence.

However, not everything was completely positive for Prime Minister Hara Takashi, who by 1923 had lost much of the popularity he had gained in previous years. This was partly due to his conciliatory policy with Korea after the Sam-Il protests in 1919, which failed to appease either the Japanese or Korean populations, and his delays and refusal to enact universal suffrage.

Then, on September 1, 1923, Tokyo was hit by the Great Kanto Earthquake, which caused widespread destruction in cities in the Kanto region, such as Tokyo and Yokohama. The aftermath of the earthquake was equally devastating. Due to fear and rumors, Koreans who lived in the cities were massacred, resulting in death tolls ranging from hundreds to thousands. The only saving grace for Hara's cabinet was that there was still a government present, and responses to the disaster and violence were quickly and hastily dispatched to the affected areas.

Another loss caused by the earthquake was the unfinished battlecruiser Amagi, whose keel was severely damaged, making any potential repairs, let alone a conversion, impossible. As a result, the conversion of the battleship Kaga to an aircraft carrier was accelerated, while her sister ship Tosa would also be converted alongside the newly laid-out Kii.

Although the earthquake didn't cause Hara's government to crumble, the next crisis did. On December 27, just three months after the Great Kanto Earthquake, a communist agitator named Daisuke Nanba attempted to murder the crown prince and regent, Hirohito, at the Toranomon intersection.

Although he had failed in his objectives, the apparent lapse in the security of the Emperor, alongside the mounting dissatisfaction from both the public and the National Diet, forced Hara Takashi to resign in January 1924. In his place, Yamamoto Gonnohyoe succeeded him as Prime Minister, in part due to his great leadership during the restoration of Tokyo after the earthquake.

During his second term, Gonnohyoe's popularity and reputation as a liberal and supporter of democracy were further reinforced as he began the process of reforming the electoral system. This reform eventually allowed for universal suffrage for men and was successfully implemented through an alliance between the Kensekai and Seiyukai parties.

Another boost to Gonnohyoe's popularity was the acquisition of Northern Sakhalin from the newly established USSR after the Soviet-Japanese Convention in 1925. The treaty handed the northern half of the island to Japan in exchange for a payment of 20 million yen to the USSR, which was seeking foreign currency for its industrialization efforts. This acquisition, along with other agreements, was presented by the government as a diplomatic victory and a contrast to the earlier debacle of the Japanese army's intervention in the Russian Civil War. This did not sit well with the army, which was denied the opportunity to boast about their conquest.

In that same year, Gonnohyoe ratified the Peace Preservation Law, mainly to prevent another Toranomon incident. This law allowed for the suppression of the spread of ideologies such as socialism and communism. Additionally, the Special Higher Police, or Tokko, which was under the Home Ministry, came under the control of a former member of the IJN.

This situation, with an empowered Tokko under the IJN, led to the organization being used as a tool to constantly harass the Imperial Japanese Army and, by extension, the Kempetai. At the same time, it effectively merged the Tokko with the IJN's own police force, the Tokkekai, enabling the navy to remove the policing authority of the Kempetai within the IJN.

The following year was one of remorse, as it was the year that the Taisho Emperor passed away. The final years of his reign were shaky, and the empire had only been recognized as equal to European nations for those who had joined the League of Nations. Nonetheless, the nation's nascent democracy was slowly taking root, and a semblance of stability appeared to be growing.

Then, on December 25, 1926, the Taisho Era ended and marked the start of the Showa Era, which would prove to be even more pivotal to the nation's future.

The Crises of Showa (1926-1936)

Right after the start of the new era, the Gonnohyoe cabinet was challenged by the Showa Financial Crisis of 1927. The government responded to the crisis by issuing a decree that allowed the Bank of Japan to issue emergency loans to save many banks in the ensuing bank runs across the nation. Part of the reason why the government response was smooth was thanks to Prime Minister Yamamoto Gonnohyoe, who had been appointed as President of the Privy Council on April 12, 1926, through a combination of political power and maneuvering.

The biggest impact of that situation was that the prime minister, in other words, Gonnohyoe, was now able to effectively pass any decree without interference from the Privy Council. soon afterward the National Diet would approve a decree that removed any power of the Privy Council from meddling with the National Diet. A move made to ensure that, in the event, he wasn't chosen again for the Privy Council, it would not be able to stop him.

One of the main impacts of such a maneuver was an amendment to the rule that the War and Navy ministries required active officers to occupy those posts. This requirement often led to either the IJA or IJN and sometimes both, refusing to appoint a minister, leading to the collapse of a cabinet. Under the new rule, if either the army or navy refused or delayed the appointment of an officer within a determined time frame, the prime minister would be granted permission to pick any military officer of his choosing, which included retired officers, to occupy the post.

In 1927, a financial bubble was caused by the post-war business boom, which worsened after the Great Kanto earthquake and the subsequent government-issued "earthquake bonds." That year, the bubble exploded, triggering a bank run as the population panicked about the potential loss of their finances. The Gonnohyoe administration, free from interference by the Privy Council, was able to react quickly and decreed the Bank of Japan to issue emergency loans to the affected banks, along with implementing a bank holiday.

The result of the emergency loans was that many small banks had been saved, and an indirect consequence was that it had also prevented the Zaibatsus from dominating the Japanese economy afterward. Alongside that, the fast and effective response of the government allowed the ruling cabinet to regain a part of its lost popularity, which would be necessary for the upcoming elections.

In the 1928 General Elections, the coalition established by Gonnohyoe had gained the majority of seats for a second time, which was a good sign for the turmoils that would come down the line.

On June 4, 1928, news of the killing of the Manchurian Warlord Zhang Zuolin by the bombing of his railway car, which was orchestrated by lower-ranking IJN officers, reached Tokyo. The incident was a blow to Japanese interests in Manchuria, as the rapid ascension of Zhang Xueliang derailed any plans the IJA had of installing a more loyal warlord in Manchuria. More importantly, the incident became a golden opportunity for the government and the IJN to further weaken the political power of the IJA.

Through the Peace Preservation Law of 1925 and an IJN-led Tokko, a series of investigations in the IJA would be conducted, which led to the quick arrest and subsequent trial of the orchestrators of the Huanggutun Incident. The media coverage of the trial was used as propaganda, accusing the IJA of insubordination and attempts to betray the Emperor.

The results of such actions quickly became apparent as the IJA started losing much of the population's support. A number of low-ranking IJA officers were dishonorably discharged from the army and replaced by new officers who were more loyal to what was effectively a "navy" government. Additionally, the government began closely monitoring the IJA by having the Tokko constantly investigate the entire army. These actions by the "navy" government only angered the anti-navy and anti-West factions that remained hidden within the IJA ranks and were disloyal to the government.

Facing a series of increasingly difficult challenges, 1929 was no different. On October 24 of that year, the Wall Street Market Crash occurred, marking the beginning of the Great Depression. Drawing on their experience from the Showa Financial Crisis, the ruling cabinet, with wide support from the population, the Emperor, and no interference from the Privy Council, was able to implement a series of radical austerity measures and reforms on monetary and fiscal policies.

In 1930, the signing of the London Naval Treaty opened up the possibility of reducing military spending. However, this proposal faced opposition from the IJA and the fringe Fleet Faction of the IJN. Despite the opposition, the National Diet passed a decree that significantly reduced military spending.

Although the military budget had been reduced, there was no opposition from the IJN as a whole. This was because the lion's share of the now-reduced budget went to the IJN shipbuilding program under the guise of promoting employment. Not only that but in addition to the budget reduction and obvious favoritism towards the navy, the decree also forcibly separated the IJA Air Branch, creating an independent air force.

The newly established Imperial Japanese Air Service was given the second largest share of the budget, this time under the guise of expanding and modernizing it to the level of the British RAF. In practice, this meant that the IJA was left with almost no budget to work with, effectively leaving the army purposely underfunded.

The IJA was unable to take any action against the government, which now enjoyed full support from the Navy and the new air force, especially due to the constant interference of the Tokko. Without any other options, the IJA was forced to accept the government's demands to significantly reduce its size, particularly the Kwantung Army, while the majority of the remaining forces were to be stationed mainly in the home islands under close government monitoring.

The outrage within the IJA regarding their current situation would almost reach its boiling point in 1931. High-ranking officers of the Kwantung Army planned a false flag operation near the South Manchurian Railway in Mukden. The plan was to provoke a war between Japan and the Republic of China, conquer Manchuria, and use victory against China to balance the power between the IJN and IJA.

However, the plan never materialized. Days earlier, the General commanding the Joseon Army of Japan, along with Yoshitsugu Tatekawa, was arrested and charged with accusations of corruption and conspiring against the Kokutai by the Tokko. with his imprisonment and consequent interrogation, plans for the false flag operation were discovered, and the remaining conspirators were also apprehended. To ensure that the Kwantung Army would not make any further moves, the government deployed the IJN to closely monitor the IJA.

This incident intensified the tensions between the IJA and the government, leading to the disbandment of the Kwantung Army and its replacement by a newly formed unit loyal to the government. The Kempetai was also forced to undergo reforms, with most of its officers being replaced by individuals loyal to the government as well.

These actions dismantled one of the main power bases of the extremist factions still concealed within the IJA. In a move to ensure their own survival, the two main factions controlling the army, the Kodoha, and Toseiha, reached an unstable truce.

The remainder of 1931 was marked by Japan's recovery from the Great Depression, aided by military spending cuts and the discovery of oil deposits in Northern Karafuto.

In the General Elections of 1932, the liberal-social democrat coalition achieved another victory, but this time under the leadership of Saito Makoto. Makoto had been chosen by Yamamoto Gonnohyoe to succeed him in the government. Similar to the previous prime minister, Makoto was a former Admiral of the Imperial Japanese Navy, who ensured that the "navy" government remained in power, much to the frustration of the Imperial Japanese Army.

Around 3 months after the elections, the May 15 Incident occurred, resulting in the massive arrest of IJN officers, some IJA officers, and the remaining members of the League of Blood. This happened primarily due to the ongoing cooperation between the dominant faction of the IJN, known as the Joyaku-ha (Treaty faction), and the government, which had been ongoing for almost a decade by that point.

Although the Treaty Faction was not entirely liberal or democratic in its values, most of its members had political leanings that aligned with the government. Both sides desired to eliminate the Kantai-ha (Fleet Faction) and ensure complete control of the IJN by the Treaty Faction. This led to the IJN-led Tokko and Tokkekai monitoring the extremist groups within the navy.

Like a series of dominoes leading directly to the May 15 incident, the purging of the Fleet Faction and other extremist officers from the IJN took place. This left only the Treaty Faction in full control, aligning the interests of the navy and government, at least for as long as the government did not go against the IJN.

Following the May 15 Incident, Japan entered its longest period of stability to date. The subsequent four years were characterized by minimal attempts against the government by extremist groups, and the IJA, for the most part, remained quiet under the government's oversight. The democratically elected government enjoyed broad support from the population, and the now unified IJN, under a single faction, added to the stability. Additionally, the nation was quickly recovering from the Great Depression, which became known as the Japanese Economic Miracle as the economy began surpassing the pre-market crash levels.

However, the democratic government had yet to face its greatest challenge, which was slowly approaching. The success or failure of this challenge would determine the fate of the nation.

(A/N Notes: A small head-up for readers, after I finish this volume, I will be re-tweaking the timeline again, mostly from me finding a few new perspectives about how to keep Japan sided with the West, and from other considerations like… basically the entirety of the British Commonwealth being available for deployment in France, which would thwart any german invasion and end the war in basically a year, making it less of a ww2 and more of a German war of aggression of 1940)