Chapter 17: Actually, I Don't Want to Stay

As the gray dawn mist gradually dissipated in the city, the tanks that had stayed on the street overnight roared back to life. The gentlemanly German soldiers cleared the remnants of their campfires and hung the charred oil barrels onto the tanks. They packed their belongings, shouldered their weapons and supplies, and formed up along the roadside, waiting for orders to depart.

In the open space at the intersection, Viktor, having tidied himself up, shook hands with Captain Hertsch one last time. They exchanged military salutes. Captain Hertsch removed his sidearm and gifted it to Viktor—a brand-new Walther P38 pistol, with a family crest of a lion fighting a stag engraved on the grip. As a return gift, Viktor handed over his sidearm. Unfortunately, he had no family crest, and his pistol bore only a serial number, not even his name.

Interestingly, as Viktor escorted Captain Hertsch back to the German camp, the German captain paused to salute the stubborn Polish traffic officer. According to Hertsch, anyone trying to maintain the dignity of their country, no matter how naive or ridiculous their methods, deserved respect.

Finally, the German troops, trailing dust, withdrew from the city center of Lviv toward the western suburbs. Within half an hour, Soviet forces, riding in trucks, swarmed into the city from the opposite side. Almost simultaneously with the Soviet troops' arrival, loudspeakers on Lviv's streets came to life. A woman with a magnetic voice announced in Polish to the hundreds of thousands of residents: the evil, despicable Riga Treaty was officially abolished as of today. Large areas, including Lviv, that had been seized by Polish nationalists, were officially returning to the embrace of the Soviet motherland.

In this announcement, there was no mention of the "Polish government" or the "Polish state." Any such references were replaced by "Polish nationalists." In other words, Moscow did not acknowledge Poland's existence as a state. All Poles living in the territories of Belarus and Ukraine were merely considered a minority group, like the Jews.

As this broadcast repeated, Soviet troops began taking control of key departments within Lviv, focusing on the police stations and urban defense institutions, followed by the city hall, banks, transportation departments, and water supply centers.

During this process, there were sporadic gunfights, but the resistance was weak, and battles often ended within minutes.

By 3 PM, the broadcast, which had been repeating all day, finally updated. A serious male voice, speaking in Russian, announced to all citizens: the Lviv Regional Committee of the People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs, dedicated to safeguarding Soviet power and the people's interests, had been established. Temporary offices were set up in each district of Lviv, where proletarian citizens could report any anti-Soviet elements, Polish nationalists, separatists, Polish spies, and bourgeois agents or speculators.

Suddenly, a cloud of red terror enveloped Lviv. At the same time, as if there was a policy oversight, no strict checkpoints were set up on the major roads controlled by the Soviet army leading in and out of Lviv. Besides the vehicles entering and leaving the city, pedestrians faced almost no restrictions.

Thus, that very night, thousands of Poles and Jews fled through the various routes leading to the western suburbs of Lviv. Among these people, only a small number were intercepted by the Soviet army; the vast majority successfully left the city and entered German-controlled territory. For those who managed to escape the red terror, it might have seemed like they were fortunate, but reality would soon show them that entering German-controlled areas was just the beginning of their tragic fate.

Moscow had no interest in orchestrating a massacre of Poles in Lviv, as such an act would have had severely negative international repercussions. The purpose of creating an atmosphere of red terror was to intimidate the Polish majority in the city, encouraging them to leave Lviv voluntarily and move into German-controlled areas west of the Curzon Line. After all, a city with a majority Polish population was seen as dangerous.

In the city center of Lviv, within the historic Opera and Ballet Theatre, the large auditorium was filled to capacity. From the stage, the audience, all dressed in military and uniformed attire, could be seen. Viktor and a few of his men were seated in the front row on the right side, within a section designated for members of the People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs, all wearing blue hats.

At this moment, a commendation ceremony for the Lviv campaign was underway. The attendees included commanders from various units of the Kiev Military District, mid-level officers, and those who had distinguished themselves in battle, as well as members of the People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs, including personnel from the Border Guards and the State Security Administration.

The ceremony was of high importance, and presiding over it was Kliment Yefremovich Voroshilov, who had traveled from Moscow specifically for this event. Over the past few days, the Soviet Red Army had successively recaptured all territories east of the Curzon Line in western Belarus and western Ukraine. However, there was some frustration because the Soviet offensive had started late, and the advance was relatively slow. Cities like Brest, Kovel, Novovolynsk, and Chervonohrad had been captured by German forces first and then handed over to the Soviets.

Although the territories designated for the Soviet Union according to the Soviet-German agreement were eventually occupied by the Red Army, the cities were not reclaimed from their arch-enemy, Poland, but rather received from their ally, Germany. While the outcome was the same, the process was somewhat unseemly to discuss.

Currently, Lviv remained a unique case among the major cities. The German army had not entered this city, and it was the Soviet guerrillas—more precisely, those directed by the People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs—who had taken control first. These individuals not only safeguarded Lviv's strategic locations and vital facilities but also kept the Germans outside the city. This achievement was a source of pride for Moscow.

Moreover, reclaiming the western Ukrainian and western Belarusian regions from Polish occupation was immensely significant for the entire Soviet Union. The propaganda department was certainly going to highlight this event across the entire Soviet Union. When it came to inspirational propaganda, the liberation of Lviv undoubtedly had more symbolic value than the liberation of Kovel or Novovolynsk. This was an obvious conclusion.

Therefore, Moscow placed great importance on this commendation ceremony in Lviv, and Viktor, along with his team, was to be celebrated as heroes.

As a reward for successfully completing the "Lviv Plan" mission, Viktor and his team were collectively honored with the Lenin Order. However, the most regrettable aspect for Viktor personally and his team was that due to the nature of their work, their real names and photographs would not appear in the subsequent propaganda in newspapers. All the glory belonged to the People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs of Lviv.

　　"Doesn't it bother you a bit?" in the corner of the hall, Major Sherov, who had secretly come to Lviv, asked Viktor. He watched as representatives of the entire Lviv People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs took the stage to receive medals personally awarded by Voroshilov. "After all, you played the biggest role in this honor. At such a glorious moment, you are the most qualified to receive all of this."

　　Viktor moved his hand away from his chin, turned his head to look at the stern leader, and shook his head, saying, "There's no need for the honor to be highlighted in the spotlight. Besides, as you said, we should emphasize the role of the team. Without the team, relying solely on my own abilities, this plan might not have succeeded."

　　Major Sherov was extremely satisfied with his response, though he didn't show it.

　　"Viktor, you have a talent for security work," Major Sherov said, "Your modesty, pragmatism, and bold thinking have already proven that. Of course, to truly excel in security work, these abilities alone are not enough. You still need to further prove yourself in future assignments."

　　Viktor remained silent, nodding in acknowledgment.

　　"In the coming days, the workload in Lviv will be heavy," Major Sherov continued, "Organizational work, counterintelligence work, and the establishment of the security forces will all require a great deal of effort. According to Moscow's requirements and the practical needs of the work, Lviv's bureau needs to recruit and train talented intelligence personnel among Poles, Ukrainians, Belarusians, Moldovans, and Gagauz. Currently, Moscow's temporary plan is to secretly establish two intelligence and espionage training schools in Lviv. You will need to devote your energy to managing this work."

　　"Our manpower is severely lacking," Viktor frowned but did not raise objections. "Now, the entire People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs is facing a manpower shortage," Major Sherov bluntly stated, "I can't provide any support in this regard; you'll have to solve it on your own."

　　Viktor's head was spinning. What Major Sherov mentioned were just the current focal points of the work; there were likely many more tasks he hadn't even mentioned. Of course, for Viktor, who had been reborn, his biggest headache wasn't the difficulty of the work but the fact that he knew very well that in a little over a year, the brutal war between the Soviet Union and Germany would erupt. Lviv would definitely be on the front line of the front lines, and that was why he didn't want to stay here.