Chapter 19: Referendum Plans

Victor's background is rather complex, not because of his experiences, but because of the many places he has been. His hometown, Krasnoyarsk Krai, was originally a place of exile and a destination for ethnic migrations, with a complex ethnic composition. Later, he spent some time in Akhmim, which was similarly a place with a large population and complex ethnic makeup.

During his time in Akhmim, Victor had seen women wearing paper money on their fingers. He was curious and even inquired about it, but ended up getting beaten up and robbed. From then on, he knew what these women were doing. Yes, these women were prostitutes, and they were part of the Polish mafia. The paper money wrapped around their fingers was actually a price tag; green bills meant 3 rubles, and blue ones meant 5 rubles.

Why was he sure they were linked to the Polish mafia? It's simple: different ethnic minority gangs had different pricing methods. Ukrainian mafia-controlled prostitutes, for example, wrote their prices on the soles of their shoes. These Ukrainian women often sat on chairs at the roadside to solicit business. When someone asked about the price, they would straighten their legs to reveal the price on the sole.

Fighting organized crime and guerrilla crime was one of the important tasks of the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs. In the newly occupied areas, cleansing the dirt under the capitalist system was even more crucial. Therefore, Victor paid close attention to these visible crimes in broad daylight.

The jeep quickly passed by the tram stop, and Victor withdrew his gaze from outside the window, his eyebrows slightly trembling, showing a thoughtful expression.

Whether it was memories from his previous life or experiences from his previous life, Victor knew one thing very well: never underestimate gangs and organized crime groups. These guys were desperados who would do anything for money. Therefore, these guys could definitely be considered to have a wide range of friends and contacts in the underworld.

So, here's an interesting question: are the hidden anti-Soviet guerrillas and saboteurs hiding in the jungle, mingling among civilians, also connected to these guys? Hey, these questions really need to be studied carefully.

The jeep finally stopped in front of the Nikolayev City Hall building. At this point, the building was surrounded by security personnel wearing blue hats, a heavily guarded place.

Victor got out of the car, walked up the white marble steps in front of the building, and before he reached the door, he saw a young man in a gray suit stepping out of the door quickly. He gestured as he approached Victor. He recognized this young man as Colonel Sherov's secretary, named Daniil Dmitriyevich Kugayev.

"You've come just in time, Lieutenant Viktor," Daniil said, stepping up to Victor before the latter could speak. "The Colonel has arranged for me to find you."

Victor blinked. He caught the unintentional message in Daniil's words: "Colonel!" Which Colonel? Who is this Colonel? Undoubtedly, Daniil was referring to Sherov, meaning Sherov had already been promoted to Colonel in the State Security, but this news had not yet been announced.

"Colonel Sherov when did he come to Nikolayev?" Pretending not to hear the inadvertent disclosure, Viktor cleared his throat and asked. Yes, he wasn't aware that Sherov was coming before.

"The previous plan changed," Daniil said. "Originally, only Comrade Yemelyan Sergeyevich Koryachenko was scheduled to come from Kiev for inspection. But just before departure, Comrade Nikita Sergeyevich Khrushchev suddenly expressed his intention to come as well, so Colonel Sherov came along."

Khrushchev? Despite not knowing much about the Soviet Union from his previous life, Viktor knew this person's name.

"Any other arrangements?" Viktor frowned, not dwelling on Khrushchev's matter.

Currently, Nikita Sergeyevich Khrushchev was the First Secretary of the Ukrainian Communist Party Central Committee, meaning he was the paramount leader of the entire Ukraine, a bona fide emperor. Such a person suddenly leaving Kiev to come to the newly occupied Western Ukrainian region couldn't be without a purpose.

"Comrade Nikita Sergeyevich's work approach has always been hard to fathom," Daniil led him into the building and whispered. "Just three days ago, he returned from Brest to Kiev, so no one knew beforehand what his purpose was in coming to Nikolayev. However, during his conversation with Comrade Podkopayev just now, he mentioned the issue of holding a referendum in Western Ukraine."

"A referendum?" Viktor was somewhat surprised.

Regarding the newly acquired Western Ukrainian territories, although the Soviet Union had fully occupied the area, internationally, they still maintained the stance of temporarily administering these regions "to protect the interests of all Ukrainians and Belarusians" until the results of a local referendum were decided. According to previous statements, this referendum was supposed to be held formally in June next year.

To be honest, it was because of Moscow's rhetoric that the Soviet troops were able to advance so smoothly into Western Belarus and Western Ukraine, with tens of thousands of Polish troops voluntarily surrendering without resistance. Also, because of this rhetoric, some Polish politicians and military leaders were still dreaming of rebuilding the Republic of Poland with half of its territory. Little did they know that a large number of them were already on the NKVD's execution list.

"Comrade Nikita Sergeyevich is very dissatisfied with Comrade Podkopayev, believing that he did not prioritize the issue of the referendum enough and did not give it sufficient attention, seeing it as a betrayal of Soviet Republic interests," Daniil continued.

Podkopayev referred to Yevgraf Igorovich Podkopayev, who currently oversaw all party affairs in the Lvov region, essentially acting as the acting First Secretary of the Regional Committee. If Khrushchev's accusations were formalized, the charge would indeed be quite serious.

"So, Comrade Nikita Sergeyevich came for the referendum issue?" Viktor asked. "But isn't the referendum scheduled for June next year?"

As they spoke, they had already reached the staircase to the first floor. Just as Viktor asked this question, several people turned into the corridor on the second floor.

Among these individuals, the foremost figure was a short man dressed plainly in a Lenin suit. His slightly bloated face prominently featured a large nose, and his eyes seemed swollen, likely from lack of sleep, with beads of sweat on his forehead. Due to significant hair loss at the top of his head, he sported a comical comb-over, deliberately growing longer hair that swept from left to right, a condition humorously referred to as "hidden baldness" in later times.

Behind this person, Viktor saw Sherov in uniform. There was no need to ask; the person at the forefront was surely Khrushchev. Honestly, this person's appearance was quite different from Viktor's impressions of Khrushchev in his previous life. If not for the current situation, he wouldn't have recognized him.

Khrushchev evidently heard Viktor's earlier question, focusing his gaze on Viktor with a slightly displeased expression.

Sherov seemed to have a good relationship with Khrushchev. He took a step forward and whispered something in the latter's ear.

Khrushchev's face showed a peculiar expression as he glanced Viktor up and down, asking, "Are you Viktor Viktorovich Tarasov, from the Turukhansk Border Area?"

Viktor hesitated for a moment, thinking that Khrushchev might be testing him. "Yes, Comrade Secretary, however, the Turukhansk Border Area was dissolved five years ago and merged into the current Krasnoyarsk Border Area."

Khrushchev seemed like he wanted to ask more questions but restrained himself. He changed the subject, asking, "I heard your question earlier. Do you also believe that if the referendum were held earlier, the final result might be disappointing?"

Viktor glanced at Sherov, who avoided his gaze, clearly indicating he should speak freely.

"Answer my question, young man," urged Khrushchev.

"Comrade Secretary, I believe the timing of the referendum is irrelevant," Viktor replied after a moment's thought, trying to gauge Khrushchev's intentions. "What matters is the integration of Western Ukraine, which concerns the fundamental interests of the Soviet Union. Of course, choosing to integrate into the Soviet Union is also most advantageous for the future of Western Ukraine. With this premise, any upright person with sound reasoning living in Western Ukraine should vote in favor of integration."

"Is that so?" Khrushchev's serious expression softened into a smile. He glanced meaningfully at the people behind him and on either side, then said, "However, some of our comrades believe that holding a hasty referendum might lead to unexpected outcomes in the voting."

"I believe that with adequate preparation, there should be no unexpected outcomes," Viktor asserted.