Chapter 43

Within the hallowed halls of the White House, a grave discussion unfolded. The ramifications of the audacious Dutch incursion into Hawaii hung heavy in the air. The Secretary of State's earlier directive, issued on November 8th of the preceding year, to seize the British mail steamer *Trent* and apprehend the Confederate emissaries aboard, had profoundly tested the patience of the international community. Salmon Portland's compelling address held the room captive, even Lincoln himself deeply engrossed. Portland poignantly lamented the hardships endured by the Union over the past two years. He painted a stark picture: "The global powers are exploiting our internal conflict, feasting upon the chaos of this needless war with the South. Our civil war has become a hunting ground for opportunistic aggressors. Even the Netherlands, a nation once relegated to the periphery of European affairs, has sensed its moment. Unable to directly engage the Union for fear of provoking Britain and France, they have chosen the distant Hawaiian Islands as their target." President Lincoln's weary sigh echoed the sentiment. "These cunning Dutch, these opportunistic predators, have chosen the most opportune time to strike. The telegram confirms the ominous presence of eight Dutch warships—modern battleships—in Hawaiian waters. Our Northern forces are, tragically, ill-equipped to retaliate." A collective murmur of agreement rippled through the assembled officials, save for Seward, whose brow remained furrowed in contemplation.

The weight of the situation, the audacity of the Dutch aggression, and the Union's constrained response pressed upon them with crushing force.Seward's fervent advocacy for westward expansion and Pacific dominance stems from a profound conviction: economic power is the bedrock of national strength. He viewed the Pacific not merely as a geographic expanse, but as a vital artery for American commercial supremacy. His vision, articulated with compelling force to President Lincoln, posited that robust trade is not only a cornerstone of national prosperity but the engine of American progress and global influence. He argued that achieving global preeminence necessitates controlling key international trade routes, citing the British Empire's historical trajectory as a compelling example of how commercial ascendancy fuels political hegemony. He further illustrated his point by referencing Prussia's unification. The astute alignment of Junker landowning interests with those of burgeoning capitalists, orchestrated by Bismarck and William I, secured Prussia's internal cohesion and facilitated its rise. Conversely, he diagnosed the American Civil War as a consequence of starkly divergent economic interests between the agrarian South and the industrial North. The South's reliance on plantation agriculture and the North's focus on manufactured goods created vulnerable economies, easily exploited by external forces—in this case, the British Empire, whose support emboldened the Confederacy. Seward's impassioned plea resonated deeply with Lincoln and his cabinet. His persuasive articulation of the pivotal role of commerce in international relations profoundly shifted the government's strategic approach. Henceforth, economic leverage became a primary instrument of American foreign policy, a cost-effective and readily deployable tool for influencing global events. This approach, particularly salient in the post-Cold War era and the 21st century, became the cornerstone of American hegemony. Seward, therefore, stands as a visionary architect of this strategy, a pivotal figure in establishing commercial dominance as the linchpin of American global power.

The pursuit of American commercial hegemony, he powerfully asserted, was no longer a mere aspiration, but a paramount national objective.Seward's vision, often questioned, transcended the mere westward expansion of the United States. He foresaw a future where American dominance extended across the Pacific, directly to Asia's shores. His unwavering support for the transcontinental railroad stemmed from a profound understanding of the nation's unparalleled geographic advantage. Nestled between Europe and Asia, America possessed an enviable strategic position, shielded from the Old World's incessant conflicts. This strategic isolation, he argued, allowed for unfettered national growth. The burgeoning power of the United States, he believed, was poised to surpass even Europe's formidable economies. This wasn't a mere aspiration; it was a demonstrable reality. The untapped markets of Asia, particularly the vast empires of China and Tibet, represented an irresistible opportunity to diversify the American economy, breaking its dependence on European trade. Control of the Pacific sea lanes, Seward asserted, was paramount. Only through such dominion could the United States attain true global power, rivaling and eventually eclipsing the established European behemoths. His ambition wasn't limited to mere geopolitical influence; he envisioned an American commercial empire, a dominion unlike the mercantilist Dutch or the naval-focused British. This would be an empire built on the robust foundations of maritime trade and global commerce, a paradigm shift in global power dynamics. Underlying his pronouncements was a conviction that the Pacific, not the Atlantic, would be the epicenter of world power in the latter half of the 19th century and beyond.

The Pacific Rim, with its islands and continents, represented not just a geographical space, but the stage for the world's future economic and political dramas. Seward acutely observed that America's foremost commercial rivals were already vying for control of this burgeoning region, securing their own spoils in the East. This prescient understanding drove his inaugural Senate address in 1853. He forcefully articulated his belief in the necessity of securing the Asian market, asserting that such a feat would catapult the United States to unparalleled global supremacy. This wasn't mere rhetoric; it was a strategic imperative, a bold vision that would shape the course of American foreign policy for generations to come.Established nations wield considerable influence. Therefore, extending American dominion across the Pacific and dominating East Asian trade would yield unparalleled geopolitical security, deterring potential adversaries. America, however, must adopt a distinct approach. I advocate for complete emancipation from lingering European biases and prejudices. Instead, we should leverage uniquely American perspectives to reshape the globe, commencing with Asia, the cradle of the rising sun. We must redefine their foundational structures and customs. Japan's impending Meiji Restoration mirrors our own ambitions. We should strategically engage with this process, extracting substantial economic benefits to steer their development and subtly influence their policies.

This calculated approach could even facilitate the quiet displacement of other nations' influence, enabling us to subtly control Japan's ideological trajectory. "But," Secretary of War Edwin Stanton countered, "will such machinations remain undetected?" Unlike in later eras, the Secretary of War then held a position akin to a modern Chief of Staff and Secretary of Defense, wielding authority rivaling that of the Secretary of State. Even amid the Civil War's turmoil, his influence had swollen to unprecedented levels.Secretary of War Stanton's opposition to the annexation of Hawaii stemmed from self-preservation. Seward shrewdly perceived that a foray into foreign acquisition would overshadow the War Department's monumental efforts managing over 100,000 troops. Such a shift in national focus threatened Stanton's authority, potentially rendering him politically impotent and vulnerable. Furthermore, Stanton's unwavering support from powerful arms manufacturers, crucial to his political future, would likely evaporate if he championed a policy diverting resources from military spending. His discontent, therefore, was entirely predictable. Lincoln, keenly aware of the underlying power struggles, recognized the self-serving motivations of both Stanton and Seward. Seward's fervent advocacy for westward expansion, particularly towards the Pacific, masked the considerable influence of railroad, mining, and infrastructure magnates financing his ambitions. Similarly, Stanton served as a conduit for the interests of the munitions industry. Even the Treasury Secretary, Salmon P. Chase, represented the Morgan financial dynasty, while the Postmaster General acted as a proxy for the Rockefellers. Lincoln's cabinet, he understood, was a coalition of competing interests, a volatile alliance bound not by shared ideals but by mutual self-interest and the overlapping tentacles of powerful financial houses.

This was a familiar landscape to Lincoln, a seasoned player in this arena. Yet, his ascension to the presidency demanded a different approach: the artful balancing of these competing factions to secure maximal political support. His cabinet members were simultaneously negotiating partners and messengers for the corporate giants pulling the strings. The immediate priority, however, remained the consolidation of his own power and the preservation of the Union. Therefore, with decisive pragmatism, Lincoln declared, "The Hawaiian question is tabled. The Civil War demands our undivided attention. Secretary Seward, while we defer this acquisition, are there means to subtly undermine Dutch interests?" Seward, sensing the shift in momentum, responded with characteristic assurance, "Indeed, Mr. President, several avenues present themselves." "Excellent," Lincoln replied, "Then I entrust this matter to your capable hands. I anticipate swift and decisive action." Seward, his ambition undimmed, affirmed, "You will not be disappointed, Mr. President."

...

In the Dutch capital, Amsterdam, King William IV hosted a momentous gathering. His guest of honor: Henry John Temple, Viscount Palmerston, the British Empire's foremost diplomat and a pivotal figure in Queen Victoria's ascension. Accompanying the esteemed Palmerston were three princesses, representing the pinnacle of British royalty. This initial, carefully orchestrated meeting, held early in the day, served as a crucial test of diplomatic protocols and burgeoning international relations.