Mozambique Concerns

President Arnold Alberto Chissano fell into deep thought after receiving the call from the Ministry of Defense representative. He had suspected this possibility from the start. The company's real boss was the fiercest nation in the world. This so-called military contracting firm was merely a covert agent of Soviet military power, but their interest wasn't spreading red ideology—it was cold capitalist profit.

There's no such thing as a free lunch. To deal with President Chissano and the Mozambique National Independence Movement, a high price had to be paid. The world's largest tantalum mines, over 6 million tons of untapped titanium reserves, and rich gold deposits were all clearly priced in the treaty between the government and the company. After the independence movement splintered, the Soviet contractor gained at least five years of mining rights, during which Mozambique's government could not intervene.

What if the government defaulted? Chissano dared not gamble Mozambique's future against Soviet military power, knowing it was a losing bet. But defeating the enemy wasn't the biggest concern. His real worry was whether this mercenary group would exploit Mozambique's weakness to seize control of the nation. This was a gray-area paramilitary force powerful enough to overthrow the regime of a small European country.

Chissano lit a cigarette, staring out at the night skyline, lost in thought. Years of war had drained Mozambique's economy. The independence movement grew stronger, backed by apartheid South Africa. If external pressure proved too great, the liberation government might be forced to negotiate with the rebels.

"Damn it, we must not let that happen." Chissano crushed the cigarette butt. He paced with the contract in hand. Tonight, he had to decide—invite a wolf into the house or await death when foreign aid finally dried up.

Taking a deep breath, as if making a grave decision, he picked up the phone and dialed. After a brief busy signal, the other end answered.

"Newsikaar, this is President Chissano. I've considered the contract. You…"

Silence on the line. Newsikaar waited.

Chissano suddenly fell silent himself, the courage draining away. His hands trembled slightly as he sat down. After a pause, in a sad voice, he said, "I authorize you to sign the treaty."

"But I have one condition." Chissano added a bargaining chip. "They can only develop the mineral resources once the country is truly stable. If stability is not achieved, we will refuse payment."

"Understood, Mr. President. I won't let you down." Newsikaar's voice was weak. "What if they break their word?"

"Don't ask me. I don't know either." Chissano's tone was faint.

Victor's self-assuredness greatly irritated Chemezov, who never expected to close a gray deal in the crowded Berlin Arms Exhibition. But Victor's words were irrefutable: "If I'm in charge of gray deals, how and where I conduct business is my prerogative. You just decide whether you want to accept it or not."

No choice remained, so Chemezov called Moscow to ask if they should take over Mozambique. Yanayev gave no clear order but said to judge based on intelligence experts' analysis. If the war could be quickly resolved, they'd approve. If it risked a quagmire, they'd refuse.

Yanayev made it clear: Chemezov should act within his means and abandon the effort if uncontrollable. This was no longer Khrushchev's generous communist aid, but a strict calculation to squeeze every last penny of profit.

After careful intelligence review, Chemezov concluded the independence movement thrived not due to military strength, but because Mozambique's government forces lacked tanks or helicopters and faced rebel advantage in numbers and terrain.

Chemezov approved the deal immediately, with orders to secure development rights for the Soviet Union's scarce and strategic mineral resources. Thus the harsh conditions on tantalum, titanium, and gold.

"Why is Your Excellency so confident the civil war will end quickly?" Prime Minister Pavlov, privy to the situation, asked Yanaev, puzzled by his confidence.

"Hm, intuition, I suppose." Yanaev laughed. Explaining how the independence movement was crushed just a year after peacekeepers arrived in 1993, then forced to negotiate, was difficult. By 1994, Mozambique held a presidential election and transitioned power peacefully.

"Mozambique is just the first crack we've opened to test the waters." Yanayev circled Africa on a world map with a red pen. "Our goal is Africa's resources—the Soviet Union's coveted gold and rare metals. South Africa's rise nearly shifted global balance. Our job is to destabilize Africa and plunder its wealth. Chaos in resource-rich regions will cause headaches for the West. We are an evil empire; we don't mind being called destroyers of peace."

"Those rich in oil and natural gas like us are mainly Middle Eastern countries. Both we and US strategists recognize that." Yanayev said diverting European conflict into the Middle East also eases Western pressure on the Soviet Union. This age-old trouble-shifting strategy also boosts development chances for our Asia-Pacific neighbors.

"Let oil prices rise." Pavlov bit his lip. "No one wants another reverse oil shock. Resources and arms are the Soviet Union's twin pillars for the foreseeable future. We must accelerate reform while keeping prices steady. A shock to a unified economy would be fatal."

Yanayev's words hinted the Soviet focus was shifting to the Middle East. It was still 1991; the era of Assad, Arafat, and others hadn't ended. Yanayev's task was to exploit all contradictions and turn the region into a powder keg waiting to explode.

"Western capitalists, are you ready for a Middle East at war?"