Negotiation

The enemy forces in the suburban towns around Grozny had been completely wiped out. What surprised the Soviet troops was that not a single rebel uttered a word of surrender—they fought to the last man. The warning had been clear: surrender was not an option. Dudayev's rebels had come to call the armored division that stormed Grozny "active hell."

When Yanayev stepped off the plane at Moscow International Airport and returned to the Kremlin, he was immediately handed a major victory report from the front. The frown that had lingered on his face for days finally softened, and for the first time, he allowed himself a smile.

"To hear this news," Yanayev told Defense Minister Yazov, who brought the report, "feels like winter is finally passing, and Chechnya is stepping into a new spring."

Before Yazov could respond, Yanayev added thoughtfully, "But it will only be a short spring. Chechnya will bring many more headaches. This problem must be handled carefully, or it will sow hidden dangers for future generations."

After delivering a detailed briefing on recent developments—including the sensitive **** issue Yanayev was most worried about—Yazov returned to his office. Just minutes after sitting down, the phone rang. Yazov answered, but his expression darkened instantly.

"Hmm," he murmured, jotting down notes on a slip of paper. Hanging up, he handed the note to his assistant and rushed to the General Secretary's office, calling out urgently, "Quick—get me Genolanov, director of the KGB Technical Bureau. We'll be receiving a call soon. Find out where the signal's coming from!"

Curious civilian staff glanced up as the anxious Defense Minister hurried past, whispering among themselves, wondering what crisis had unsettled him so.

Yanayev, weary from travel, was about to lie down on the sofa when a quick knock interrupted him. He rose and said, "Come in."

Yazov entered without pause. "I just got a call from Kadyrov in Chechnya. He says he has important matters to discuss with you, President Yanayev."

"What? That old fox already?" Yanayev sat up, straightening his clothes. "When did he call? What did he want?"

"I don't know," Yazov admitted. "He only asked me to give him your external line and said he'd call you personally at three o'clock this afternoon. He asked you to be by the phone."

"Have you asked Comrade Genolanov to bring the equipment?" Yanayev asked. Kadyrov had vanished after his last message; no one knew where he was. If he called in person, they could pinpoint his location.

"Already done. Genolanov should be here now," Yazov replied.

Half an hour later, Genolanov arrived, lugging an array of equipment that looked like something out of an old spy film but was in fact state-of-the-art monitoring technology. After minutes of setup, he assured Yanayev, "When the call comes, we can track exactly where Kadyrov is."

The waiting was long and tense. Just when Yanayev began to doubt the entire setup, the silent phone finally rang.

He picked up. A voice, unfamiliar yet unmistakably known, spoke: "General Secretary Yanayev, this is Kadyrov, former chief of staff of the Chechen rebels. I appreciate you taking time out of your busy schedule to speak with me."

Yanayev winked at Genolanov, who immediately prepared to trace the call.

"Comrade Kadyrov," Yanayev replied smoothly, "there is no such thing as a 'Chechen chief of staff' in my eyes. You are, and always will be, a Soviet citizen." His words masked the gravity beneath—a clear signal of friendly parity.

"That's good to hear, President Yanayev," Kadyrov said. "But don't waste your KGB's time trying to trace this call. Even if you find the signal, I won't be there. Let's get straight to the point."

Yanayev glanced at Yazov and Genolanov, who exchanged confused shrugs. Holding the microphone steady, he asked, "What do you want to discuss?"

"The future," Kadyrov said bluntly. "The future of Chechnya. Once Dudayev's rebels are crushed, what will Moscow's policy be? Will you appoint a Chechen Soviet secretary again? The war we've provoked will not end so easily."

"I know," Yanayev said lightly. "The Chechens want independence and freedom. I can give you freedom—but if I don't, you can't take it by force, and you can't betray the Soviets. Any traitor who goes against the will of the Soviet Union will be punished. That's final."

There was a pause on the other end. Kadyrov finally spoke, "On behalf of the Chechen Wahhabi faction, I apologize for the harm and disaster caused by the division of the motherland. I hope the motherland can accept us once more."

Yanayev dismissed the apology coldly. "What I want now is not apologies, but action. What will you Sufis do to satisfy me if the Chechen armed forces wipe out the Wahhabi factions who seek independence? Will you create your own army? Will you rule the mountains? As for Islam, I have said this many times: our party is atheist. We will not compromise on religious propagation. If anyone tries to build a fundamentalist regime in the Caucasus—or a state where Islam dominates over the secular world—they must answer to the real powers here. I don't agree. No one will."

He leaned in, voice steeling. "And the constitution promulgated by the Soviet government is the foundation of this country. Anyone who advocates otherwise in the Caucasus will be shot."

Yanayev's position was clear: religious extremism was a red line. Only by accepting this could further discussions begin. He knew the danger those cults posed—and was ready to put down any attempt to spread their doctrines with lethal force.

Kadyrov remained silent. Yanayev understood: these demands were harsh and difficult for him to accept. "Think about it," Yanayev continued. "Call me when you've made up your mind—or come to Moscow for negotiations. We will welcome you."

After a brief pause, Yanayev added a warning, "You've alienated yourself from the Wahhabis led by Dudayev. Beware of bomb attacks. Chechnya will need a tough leader like you in the future."

For the first time, Kadyrov laughed. "Though we differ politically, Mr. President, you're an honest friend worth having. Not like some hypocrites—like the late Yeltsin."

Yanayev smiled. "And you too, Comrade Kadyrov. The Soviet Union hopes to be a loyal friend of the Caucasian communist world."

Kadyrov replied, "When we reach agreement one day, Mr. President, you'll truly be our friend."

Despite the initial friction, the conversation ended on a hopeful note. Yanayev looked at Genolanov. "How's the tracking going, Comrade Genolanov? Do we know where this call came from?"

Genolanov shook his head. "The signal originates from Turkey—near the border—but the actual call location is unknown. These calls are expertly masked; they're not easy to trace."

Yanayev shrugged, a faint smile on his lips. "Well, you did your best. I'm just curious what methods he used. If even our top people can't find him… it means Kadyrov's cautious. Still, the fact he called shows there's hope for peaceful resolution."

He leaned back, thoughts turning to the front. Now all that remained was to await news of General Rogionov's triumphant return.