The Global Reckoning
January 6, 2011
Washington, D.C. – United States Capitol – Secure Conference Room
The heavy wooden doors sealed the room in absolute silence as they shut behind the last of the attendees. The secure conference chamber within the United States Capitol was rarely used, reserved only for the most critical matters of national security and economic stability. Today, it was neither a war nor a diplomatic crisis that had summoned America's most powerful figures. It was the rise of a single company, one that had rewritten the global technology order in less than two years.
The air inside was tense, thick with the weight of decisions that would shape the future. President James Rutledge sat at the head of the long mahogany table, his expression unreadable as he surveyed the gathered officials and industry leaders. The atmosphere carried the unspoken knowledge that the world as they knew it had already changed—they were here to decide whether the United States could still control its course.
Across from the President, the titans of Silicon Valley sat in thinly veiled frustration. Robert Andersson, CEO of Apple, drummed his fingers impatiently against the table, his face locked in a scowl. Mark Lowell, Chairman of Microsoft, leaned back in his chair, his gaze calculating. Daniel Weisman, Google's top executive, kept checking his tablet, as if searching for a last-minute solution to the crisis. Cameron Bates, the Chairman of AT&T, folded his arms, his jaw clenched. David Halverson, Intel's CEO, sat quietly, but the way he gripped his pen betrayed the tension in his mind.
On the government's side, Commerce Secretary Barbara Donovan prepared her tablet for presentation, while Ethan Wilkes, Secretary of Defense, and Richard Maddox, Director of the CIA, watched the room carefully.
Finally, President Rutledge broke the silence.
"Let's not waste time," he said, his voice even. "Tell me exactly how bad it is."
Barbara Donovan exhaled slowly before tapping her screen, and the holographic display above the table flickered to life, projecting the numbers no one wanted to accept.
"Nova Tech has surpassed every American technology company in market dominance in the high-end sector."
The data was devastating.
Apple's U.S. market share had collapsed, falling from 49% to 18%. Samsung's hold had shrunk to 15%. Google's mobile search traffic had dropped 42% due to Nova Tech's OmniLink. Intel's semiconductor business was faltering, as Nova Tech had developed its own advanced processors, cutting out American suppliers. AT&T and Verizon had lost 40% of their telecom revenue, as Nova Tech's independent 5G network rendered them obsolete.
The room absorbed the reality in stunned silence. Then, the first outburst came.
"This is a goddamn catastrophe!" Robert Andersson's voice shook with anger as he slammed his fist against the table. "We spent decades building an empire! And now some Indian company has taken it all in two years?"
Mark Lowell's voice was quieter but held an edge. "It's worse than that, Robert. They don't need us anymore."
President Rutledge narrowed his eyes. "Explain."
Lowell gestured at the screen. "They don't need Qualcomm for chips. They built their own. They don't need Google Cloud. They have Nova Cloud. They don't need Intel. Their processors outperform anything we have. They aren't just taking market share—they're replacing us."
A wave of unease spread through the room.
Daniel Weisman from Google finally spoke, his voice controlled but urgent. "This isn't just a new company. This is a new digital empire."
The silence was suffocating. Then, Richard Maddox, the CIA Director, finally spoke. His tone was measured but held a quiet sense of finality.
"We underestimated them."
President Rutledge's expression didn't change. "Who owns Nova Tech? Who's really behind this?"
Barbara Donovan hesitated before swiping her screen. A new document appeared on the holographic display.
"The official CEO is Arjun Mehta. But…" she hesitated, then forced herself to say it. "He doesn't own a single share."
The air in the room shifted.
Cameron Bates frowned. "Then who does?"
Donovan took a slow breath. "That's the problem. There is no listed owner. The company's legal structure is… unique."
There was an eerie pause before she tapped the screen again, bringing up one more name.
The reaction was instant.
Nathaniel Blackwood.
The room froze.
Even President Rutledge's expression darkened. Nathaniel Blackwood was a ghost in the world of finance and power, a name that whispered through corridors of control but was never spoken out loud. His family had shaped economies, orchestrated political shifts, and manipulated global industries for centuries. He was the kind of man who never left a trace—until now.
"What the hell does Blackwood have to do with this?" Cameron Bates' voice was sharp, his fingers pressing into the table.
Maddox, his expression cold, answered. "We traced Nova Tech's expansion—how they avoided regulatory hurdles, how they gained telecom access, how they moved at an impossible pace. It wasn't government support. It wasn't venture capital. It wasn't Wall Street."
His eyes locked onto the President.
"It was facilitated."
The realization sank in. Nathaniel Blackwood hadn't funded Nova Tech, but he had cleared its path.
A hush fell over the room, the weight of what that meant settling in.
President Rutledge exhaled slowly. "What does Blackwood gain from this?"
Maddox's silence spoke volumes.
"We don't know," he admitted. "But one thing is clear—Nova Tech is not acting alone."
Another silence, this one heavier. Then, Robert Andersson spoke. "We have to shut them down. Ban Nova Tech from integrating with U.S. infrastructure. Make it impossible for them to operate."
President Rutledge remained motionless for a long moment. Then, Senator Gerald Whitmore spoke for the first time. His voice was calm, but his words sent a chill through the room.
"If we sanction Nova Tech… what stops the rest of the world from moving forward without us?"
The room stilled.
"If we act first," Whitmore continued, "Europe, Japan, and the Middle East may refuse to follow. If we cut Nova Tech off… we may be cutting ourselves out of the future."
The realization was terrifying.
If America moved, and the rest of the world didn't, the United States would be the only country left behind.
For the first time in decades, they were not in control.
Rutledge finally stood, his voice slow and deliberate. "We can't let that happen. We don't just sanction Nova Tech. We make sure Europe, Japan, and South Korea ban them before we do."
His next words were even colder.
"If we can't destroy them, we make sure no one else gets ahead of us."
The decision was made.
The United States had declared war on Nova Tech.
But they weren't sure if they could win.
January 7, 2011
Westminster Palace, London – The House of Commons – Emergency Parliamentary Session
A deep chill hung in the London air, the gray clouds above Westminster mirroring the somber mood within the grand halls of the House of Commons. The chamber was packed—MPs, economic advisors, and industry leaders filled every available seat, murmuring in tense discussion as they awaited the beginning of what was shaping up to be one of the most critical debates in recent British history.
The United States had made its decision. They were preparing to impose sanctions on Nova Tech, a move that would reshape global trade and technology. The question before the British Parliament was simple, yet immensely complex:
Would the United Kingdom stand with its long-time ally, the U.S., or would it break ranks to secure its own future in the new technological era?
At precisely 10:00 AM, the Speaker of the House took his place, his gavel echoing across the chamber, calling for order. The murmurs died down, replaced by an expectant silence as Prime Minister Henry Lancaster stepped forward.
"We are here today," Lancaster began, his voice carefully measured, "to discuss an issue that will determine the future of the United Kingdom's economy, its sovereignty, and its standing in the global technological landscape."
He paused, his gaze sweeping across the chamber.
"The United States has proposed sanctions against Nova Tech—an Indian company that has, within two years, outpaced nearly every technological giant of the West."
His tone hardened.
"And they expect us to follow."
A murmur rippled through the chamber. Some MPs nodded in agreement, others exchanged uneasy glances.
"In this moment," Lancaster continued, "we must ask ourselves—do we align with the United States at the cost of our own economic future? Or do we break away and embrace the new technological order that is emerging?"
Silence.
Then, the first voices of opposition rose.
A senior Conservative MP, Sir Douglas Mercer, rose to his feet, his expression stern.
"Mr. Speaker, it would be absolute madness to even entertain the thought of defying Washington on this matter."
A few murmurs of agreement echoed through the chamber.
"The United States is our greatest ally. Our economic partnership with them is the foundation of our trade policies, and if they move forward with sanctions against Nova Tech, we must do the same."
He turned toward the Prime Minister.
"Standing against America on this issue could invite severe economic retaliation. Do we truly wish to risk losing our seat at the table?"
Several MPs nodded, their expressions grim.
"The U.S. controls the global financial order. Their banks, their investment networks, their corporate alliances—all of them are aligned against Nova Tech. If we refuse to follow, we will be the ones left behind."
A loud murmur of disagreement erupted from the opposing benches.
Emma Holloway, an MP from the Labour Party, stood next. Unlike Mercer, her voice carried a sense of urgency rather than fear.
"Mr. Speaker, with all due respect to my colleague, what he fails to acknowledge is that for the first time in modern history, the United Kingdom has the chance to break away from American technological dependence."
The chamber stirred again.
"For decades, we have been tethered to Silicon Valley—to Apple, to Microsoft, to Intel, to Google." Her gaze swept across the room. "They have dictated the pace of innovation. They have controlled pricing, access, and infrastructure."
She tapped her hand on the table for emphasis.
"But Nova Tech has rewritten the rules. They have built an entire ecosystem that does not rely on American companies. If we sanction them now, we are not protecting our interests—we are ensuring that we remain technological vassals of the United States forever."
A ripple of agreement ran through the chamber.
She turned toward the Prime Minister.
"Sir, if we align with the U.S., what happens when the rest of the world refuses to do the same? What happens when Europe, the Middle East, and Asia move forward with Nova Tech, and we are left clinging to a declining American infrastructure?"
Mercer, still standing, scoffed.
"That is pure speculation," he snapped. "The world follows Washington's lead. If we cut Nova Tech out, other countries will follow."
Holloway narrowed her eyes. "Are you so certain of that?"
She gestured to the holographic display, which now flickered with global economic projections.
"Japan is already reconsidering its reliance on U.S. tech giants. The European Union has not committed to sanctions yet. The Middle East is actively investing in Nova Cloud. And Russia—" she let out a breath, "—well, we all know they will seize the opportunity to back any competitor to American technology."
She turned fully toward Mercer now, her voice cutting.
"If we follow the U.S. into this economic war, we better be damn sure we win it. Because if we don't, we will be left isolated in a world that has moved on."
The chamber erupted in debate, with MPs on both sides now speaking over one another.
"The Americans saved us during the financial crash of 2008! We owe them our loyalty!"
"The Americans are only looking out for their own interests! When have they ever put Britain first?"
"We cannot afford to be on the losing side of history! Nova Tech is the future, and we must embrace it!"
"If we break from the U.S. now, they will never trust us again!"
Prime Minister Lancaster raised his hand, calling for order.
The shouting died down, but the tension remained thick in the air.
"I will not allow this government to make a decision based on fear or blind loyalty," Lancaster said, his voice firm. "We must weigh the consequences carefully."
His eyes flickered toward the American ambassador, who sat silently at the edge of the chamber, watching.
The United States was waiting for Britain's decision.
If the UK stood with the U.S., it would mean losing access to Nova Tech's ecosystem. It would mean clinging to an increasingly outdated American technological infrastructure, even as the rest of the world moved forward.
But if they broke away…
They risked severing one of the most important alliances in modern history.
Lancaster leaned forward.
"The United States expects our support," he said slowly. "They assume we will follow them into this economic war."
He exhaled.
"But is that truly in Britain's best interest?"
The chamber fell silent once more.
In the coming days, Parliament would vote. The decision would change the course of British economic and technological policy for a generation.
Would they stand with Washington?
Or would they carve out a new future, free from American control?
The world was watching.
And Britain had only hours to decide.
January 7, 2011
Tokyo, Japan – Ministry of Economy, Trade, and Industry (METI) – High-Level Emergency Meeting
A cold winter morning settled over Kasumigaseki, Tokyo's political district, where the towering glass buildings of government ministries reflected the gray skies. The Ministry of Economy, Trade, and Industry (METI) had convened an emergency closed-door session, a meeting that could reshape Japan's standing in the global tech war unfolding between Nova Tech and the United States.
Inside the heavily secured conference chamber, Japan's most senior officials, economic strategists, and top executives from its technology, finance, and telecommunications industries sat in silence. The weight of the decision they were about to make pressed down on them like the cold air outside.
At the head of the table sat Prime Minister Hiroshi Takamura, his gaze unreadable as he studied the faces before him. To his left, Minister of Economy and Trade, Kenji Hayashi, adjusted his tie, glancing at the thick stack of reports in front of him. Across from them, the presidents and CEOs of Japan's most powerful tech corporations sat waiting.
Among them:
- Masayoshi Tange (CEO of NTT Docomo – Japan's largest telecom provider)
- Takeshi Fujimoto (Chairman of SoftBank – a key player in global tech investments)
- Shigeru Nakamoto (President of Sony Electronics)
- Hideo Yamamoto (Executive Director of Toshiba)
- Koji Sakamoto (Chairman of Mitsubishi Financial Group)
The urgency of the situation could not be understated. Washington had reached out. The United States expected Japan to follow them in sanctioning Nova Tech, but Japan had yet to take a position.
The room was tense.
Takamura, ever the pragmatist, spoke first.
"The Americans have made their position clear," he said, his voice steady but firm. "They want us to align with their economic blockade against Nova Tech. They argue that the company poses a threat to global economic balance, that it undermines Western technological leadership, and that its unchecked growth is dangerous."
He let his words settle before continuing.
"But the real question before us is simple."
His gaze swept across the table.
"Is that in Japan's best interest?"
The silence stretched, thick and unbroken.
Kenji Hayashi, the Minister of Economy and Trade, cleared his throat and adjusted his glasses before speaking.
"Prime Minister, gentlemen—this is not just about technology. This is about alliances."
He tapped his finger on the table, emphasizing his point.
"Japan has always been an economic and strategic ally of the United States. Our banking institutions, our semiconductor exports, our automobile industry—everything is intertwined with American markets."
He paused, letting the weight of his words sink in.
"If we refuse to sanction Nova Tech, we risk straining our trade relations with Washington. We must ask ourselves—can we afford to anger the United States?"
Masayoshi Tange of NTT Docomo, Japan's largest telecom provider, leaned forward.
"I agree," he said gravely. "The Americans still control the global financial structure. If we stand against them, we could face trade penalties, restrictions on our own tech exports, and reduced access to U.S. innovations."
He gestured toward the reports in front of them.
"Nova Tech's 5G network is independent, yes—but at what cost? If Japan refuses to act, we risk being isolated from the global economic framework Washington is trying to build."
Shigeru Nakamoto of Sony Electronics nodded.
"The U.S. is still our largest market for electronics and semiconductors. If we defy them now, there is no guarantee they will continue to support us in trade deals."
A few murmurs of agreement spread through the room.
"Japan has always followed American technological leadership," Nakamoto continued. "Are we truly prepared to break away from that now?"
The first voice of opposition came from Takeshi Fujimoto, the Chairman of SoftBank, Japan's largest tech investment firm. His sharp eyes scanned the room before he spoke.
"Gentlemen," he said smoothly, "you are all assuming one thing—that the United States is still in control."
His words caused a noticeable shift in the room.
"Let me remind you of something." He leaned forward. "Nova Tech is not an American company. It is not bound to the American financial system. It does not rely on their semiconductor supply chain. It does not depend on their cloud infrastructure."
His voice was calm, but his words carried an undeniable weight.
"If we cut ourselves off from Nova Tech, we are not protecting Japan's interests—we are ensuring that Japan falls behind in the next technological revolution."
He let the implications settle before continuing.
"The Americans are terrified," Fujimoto said. "They are used to controlling global innovation. Now, for the first time in history, a non-Western company has rewritten the rules. They want us to kill Nova Tech before it becomes unstoppable."
He paused, then asked a question that sent a chill through the room.
"But what if the rest of the world does not follow?"
A heavy silence fell over the room.
"What happens," Fujimoto continued, "if Europe, South Korea, and the Middle East refuse to sanction Nova Tech? If they continue to embrace it while we align ourselves with Washington, what will Japan gain?"
No one spoke.
He turned to Koji Sakamoto, the Chairman of Mitsubishi Financial Group, and asked simply:
"If we side with America… what happens to us if the world moves forward without them?"
Sakamoto exhaled sharply, his expression troubled.
"We would be left behind," he admitted.
Fujimoto nodded.
"Exactly."
A fierce debate erupted.
"We cannot risk damaging relations with Washington!" one official argued.
"But what if following them means severing our economic future?" countered another.
"If we defy the United States, we could face sanctions against our own semiconductor exports!"
"Do you think we can afford to be cut out of Nova Tech's 5G infrastructure?"
The chamber grew louder, voices rising as the weight of the decision pressed down on every man in the room.
Finally, Prime Minister Takamura raised his hand.
Silence fell.
His gaze was sharp, his voice steady.
"This government will not make a decision based on fear," he said. "We must choose what is best for Japan."
He turned to Kenji Hayashi.
"The United States has called upon us to act."
Then, he turned to Takeshi Fujimoto.
"But so has opportunity."
He exhaled.
"A choice must be made."
The Japanese government was now at a crossroads.
If they sided with Washington, they would maintain their historic alliance but risk being left behind in the next era of global technology.
If they broke away, they could secure their place at the forefront of the Nova Tech revolution—but at the cost of defying their most powerful ally.
Prime Minister Takamura knew that the world was watching.
By the end of the night, Japan would have to decide.
Would they stand with the past—or embrace the future?
The fate of Japan's technological sovereignty hung in the balance.
January 7, 2011
Seoul, South Korea – Blue House (Presidential Office) – High-Level Emergency Meeting
The night was cold in Seoul, but inside the Blue House, the seat of the South Korean presidency, the temperature in the conference room felt like it was boiling over. The emergency National Economic Security Council meeting had been called the moment Washington's formal request for sanctions against Nova Tech arrived.
The United States had spoken. They expected their closest allies—including South Korea—to fall in line. But Nova Tech's rise posed an unprecedented dilemma for Seoul.
For decades, South Korea had flourished under U.S. economic and technological alignment. Yet now, Nova Tech offered a chance to break free from the grip of American and Japanese firms. The country stood at a dangerous crossroads—and the debate inside the Blue House was raging.
At the head of the table, President Kang Dae-jung sat in silence, listening intently as his advisors, ministers, and industry leaders argued back and forth.
The room was split into two factions.
On one side sat Foreign Minister Choi Sung-hoon, flanked by high-ranking trade officials and diplomatic advisors. They favored supporting Washington, warning that defying the U.S. could lead to economic and political fallout.
On the other side sat Minister of Science & ICT Park Ji-won, backed by economists and tech industry strategists. They urged caution in aligning with Washington, arguing that Nova Tech's rise represented an opportunity for South Korea to claim its place at the forefront of next-generation technology.
And then, there was the third force in the room—the most powerful.
The representatives of Samsung Group, South Korea's largest and most influential conglomerate, sat in tense silence. But their mere presence carried a message louder than words.
They wanted Nova Tech gone—completely banned from the South Korean market.
Finally, the tension broke when Lee Hyun-woo, CEO of Samsung Electronics, leaned forward, his voice heavy with authority.
"Mr. President, the decision before us is simple," he said, his tone slow, deliberate. "We cannot allow Nova Tech to operate in South Korea."
Murmurs spread across the room. President Kang's eyes narrowed slightly, but he remained silent.
Lee continued, his voice growing sharper.
"This is not just about politics—it's about South Korea's position in the global technology race. Samsung has spent decades building our leadership in semiconductors, smartphones, and telecom infrastructure. We are the backbone of South Korea's economy."
He let his words sink in before delivering the critical blow.
"But Nova Tech has already crippled our smartphone division in Europe and North America."
He gestured toward a set of damning statistics displayed on the conference room's digital board.
Samsung Mobile's Global Market Share (Last 6 Months)
- United States: 32% → 15% (Loss of dominance to Nova Tech)
- Europe: 28% → 12% (Significant revenue drop)
- Japan: 9% → 4%
- South Korea: Still dominant, but under threat
"Our premium segment has been obliterated in every major market outside of Korea," Lee continued, his voice turning colder. "If we allow Nova Tech to continue unchecked, it is only a matter of time before they take over South Korea as well."
His eyes locked onto the President.
"If Nova Tech is allowed to enter this country, Samsung's future is at risk."
Before President Kang could respond, Minister Park Ji-won leaned forward, visibly frustrated.
"With all due respect, Mr. Lee," he said, "Samsung is not the only concern here."
Lee's eyes narrowed, but he let Park continue.
"South Korea is a nation that relies on innovation, not just protectionism," Park said firmly. "We cannot afford to be caught in an economic war between the U.S. and Nova Tech. If we blindly follow Washington's demands, we may find ourselves on the wrong side of history."
He turned to the President.
"Let's consider the consequences. If we ban Nova Tech, but Japan and Europe choose to adopt it, we will be left using outdated U.S. technology while the rest of the world moves forward."
His words struck a nerve in the room.
"If Samsung's argument is that we should remove a competitor simply to maintain their dominance, then we are making a decision based on fear, not strategy."
Park then delivered his most critical point.
"Nova Tech's processors, AI infrastructure, and cloud networks are faster and cheaper than anything the U.S. is offering. If we ban them, and they become the global standard, South Korea will be left behind in the next wave of technological evolution."
---
The Turning Point – What If the World Doesn't Follow the U.S.?
The room fell into an uneasy silence.
Then, Foreign Minister Choi Sung-hoon finally spoke. His voice was calm but carried a sense of urgency.
"Mr. President, we must also consider our diplomatic standing."
All eyes turned to him.
"If we refuse to sanction Nova Tech, we will undoubtedly anger Washington. That could lead to trade penalties, increased scrutiny on our semiconductor exports, and restrictions on key U.S. technologies."
He exhaled sharply.
"But I must also ask—what if the rest of the world does not follow the U.S.?"
That question sent a wave of discomfort through the room.
Choi continued, his voice measured.
"If Japan, Europe, and the Middle East decide to embrace Nova Tech, we risk cutting ourselves off from a future technological ecosystem that we have no control over."
He turned toward the Samsung executives.
"Mr. Lee, you argue that banning Nova Tech protects Samsung. But what happens if South Korea is isolated in the digital world that Nova Tech is creating? If we reject them, and they become the standard, will we not be the ones left behind?"
Lee's expression darkened, but he did not immediately respond.
President Kang leaned forward, his gaze sharp.
"This government will not make a decision based on corporate pressure alone," he said. His tone carried the weight of finality. "South Korea must choose a path that ensures long-term economic security and technological sovereignty."
The room remained deeply divided.
Samsung and their allies pushed for a full ban, fearing the destruction of their global standing.
The Ministry of Science & ICT argued that blocking Nova Tech could cripple South Korea's future.
The Foreign Ministry warned of diplomatic consequences—both with the U.S. and the rest of the world.
President Kang Dae-jung knew this decision could define South Korea's place in the global technology war.
He had only hours to make his final choice.
Would South Korea stand with Washington, prioritizing their long-standing alliance and economic security?
Or would they defy U.S. pressure and open their doors to Nova Tech, risking diplomatic backlash but securing a potential lead in the future of global technology?
Time was running out.
And the fate of South Korea's technological independence hung in the balance.
January 7, 2011
Berlin, Germany – Bundestag (German Federal Parliament) – High-Level Emergency Session
The towering Reichstag building, home to the German Bundestag, stood under a gloomy Berlin sky, its historic dome barely visible through the gray mist. Inside, however, the atmosphere was anything but muted. The Bundestag's largest chamber was filled to capacity, its walls reverberating with the voices of politicians, economic advisors, and corporate representatives, each locked in heated debate.
Germany—Europe's economic powerhouse—was now facing one of the most critical decisions in its post-war history. The United States had officially requested that Germany impose sanctions on Nova Tech, cutting the company off from European markets. The response to this request was anything but unanimous.
Chancellor Matthias Wagner, a seasoned politician known for his pragmatic leadership, sat at the head of the Bundestag's crisis committee, his hands steepled in front of him as he listened to the chaos unfolding before him. His country was divided.
On one side sat Foreign Minister Klaus Reinhardt, flanked by German diplomats and political hardliners, all pushing for full support of the U.S. sanctions. They argued that Germany's long-standing transatlantic alliance was at stake, and defying Washington would lead to economic and political consequences.
On the other side sat Minister of Economy and Energy, Dr. Anneliese Beck, backed by tech industry leaders, economists, and corporate giants who saw Nova Tech as an opportunity Germany could not afford to miss. They believed siding with Washington would cripple Germany's ability to lead Europe's digital future.
Tension crackled in the air.
Germany was at a crossroads.
Would they align with Washington, safeguarding their historic economic and military alliance?
Or would they choose economic independence, betting on Nova Tech's growing technological empire and risk alienating the United States?
The future of Europe's most powerful economy hung in the balance.
Foreign Minister Klaus Reinhardt was the first to speak, his voice calm but firm.
"Chancellor, colleagues, we cannot ignore reality." He adjusted his tie before continuing. "The United States is still our closest ally, both economically and militarily. Our trade agreements, our banking relationships, even our energy policies—all of them are deeply linked with Washington."
He let his words sink in before glancing around the room.
"To defy the U.S. on this matter would be nothing short of reckless."
He tapped a report in front of him.
"Washington has made it clear that failure to sanction Nova Tech could result in trade penalties, restrictions on German auto exports, and reduced access to American financial markets."
A low murmur spread through the chamber. Germany's automobile industry—Volkswagen, BMW, Daimler—was deeply reliant on the U.S. market. Any disruption would cost billions.
Reinhardt pressed on.
"And let us not forget NATO. If we move against American policy, what will this mean for our military alliance? Germany is still dependent on U.S. security guarantees."
He turned toward Chancellor Wagner, his voice lowering.
"Are we truly prepared to fracture our relationship with Washington over one company?"
Dr. Anneliese Beck, Minister of Economy and Energy, had remained silent, her fingers interlocked as she listened to Reinhardt's argument. But now, she leaned forward, her voice cutting through the tension.
"With all due respect, Foreign Minister, your argument assumes that the United States will remain the dominant power in global technology."
The room shifted uncomfortably.
Beck's gaze was sharp as she continued.
"But that assumption is flawed."
She gestured toward the holographic display at the center of the chamber, where a set of damning statistics appeared.
"Nova Tech has already captured more than 60% of the European smartphone market in the high-end segment. More than half of German consumers under 40 already use Nova Tech devices. Their cloud infrastructure is cheaper, faster, and more secure than anything offered by American firms."
She exhaled before delivering the next blow.
"If we block Nova Tech from Germany, we are not protecting our economy. We are isolating it."
A visible shift rippled through the chamber.
"If Europe bans Nova Tech," Beck continued, "but Japan, South Korea, and the Middle East do not, we will find ourselves using outdated American infrastructure while the rest of the world moves forward. Is that truly in Germany's best interest?"
Reinhardt scoffed, shaking his head.
"You speak of an independent path, Minister Beck, but Germany cannot afford to sever ties with the United States. Our economy would not survive without their support."
Beck's eyes flashed with defiance.
"We are not proposing to sever ties, Minister. We are proposing to stop acting as America's pawn."
The chamber erupted in murmurs.
Chancellor Wagner exhaled slowly, his fingers tapping against the desk.
He turned to Hans Drexler, CEO of Deutsche Telekom, Germany's largest telecom provider.
"Where do you stand?" Wagner asked, his voice neutral.
Drexler adjusted his tie before responding.
"Chancellor, Nova Tech's 5G infrastructure is superior to anything the U.S. has to offer. If we side with Washington, we risk delaying Germany's digital transformation while other nations move forward."
He hesitated before delivering the next part carefully.
"We are not just talking about a technology company anymore. Nova Tech is becoming a parallel digital empire."
Wagner's expression remained unreadable.
Drexler leaned forward slightly.
"If we ban Nova Tech from Europe, we may be locking ourselves out of the future."
The Bundestag was now deeply divided.
- Pro-U.S. officials argued for maintaining diplomatic stability and economic security.
- Pro-Nova officials argued that Germany must break free from U.S. tech dependency.
- Industry leaders were torn—Deutsche Telekom saw Nova Tech as the future, but the automobile giants feared U.S. retaliation.
Chancellor Wagner's expression hardened.
"If we impose sanctions, will France follow?" he asked.
Foreign Minister Reinhardt hesitated. "Paris is still undecided. If we act, they may follow. But if we delay, they might move toward Nova Tech."
Wagner turned toward Minister Beck. "And if we refuse the U.S. request?"
Beck's voice was calm.
"We gain first-mover advantage in a new technological order. We ensure that Germany is not a follower, but a leader."
Chancellor Wagner rubbed his temples. The entire chamber was watching him now.
The pressure was immense. The United States expected Germany to fall in line. Washington had made it clear—if Berlin refused to sanction Nova Tech, there would be consequences.
But Wagner was no fool.
He knew that if Germany acted too quickly, they might alienate France, weaken their influence in the EU, and lose a critical technological advantage.
Time was running out.
Would Germany stand with Washington, upholding its historic alliance at the risk of technological stagnation?
Or would it embrace Nova Tech, risking American backlash but securing a future as a European digital powerhouse?
Wagner had only hours to decide.
January 7, 2011
Paris, France – Élysée Palace – Emergency Ministerial Council Meeting
The grand halls of the Élysée Palace, the residence of the French President, had witnessed many historic decisions, but none quite like the one unfolding behind its closed doors tonight. The fate of France's technological future hung in the balance, and the debate inside the high-security council room was growing more intense by the minute.
President Louis Moreau, a sharp-eyed leader known for his commitment to French economic sovereignty, sat at the head of the oval conference table, his fingers interlocked as he listened to the escalating arguments around him.
The United States had formally requested that France follow its lead in sanctioning Nova Tech, cutting off access to the European market. Across the Atlantic, Germany was hesitating, and now France had to decide—would it stand with Washington or pursue its own path?
Seated around the table were France's most powerful ministers and corporate leaders, each representing a different faction in the divided French government.
- Minister of Finance, Émile Carpentier, a strong advocate for maintaining France's alliance with the United States, pushed for full compliance with the sanctions.
- Minister of Digital Transformation, Isabelle Fournier, representing the technological progressives, argued that France should embrace Nova Tech's innovations.
- Minister of Foreign Affairs, Alain Duchamp, was caught in between, warning of potential diplomatic consequences.
- CEO of Orange Telecom, Bernard Lefebvre, watched quietly, knowing that his company's very survival depended on whether France aligned with the U.S. or Nova Tech.
The room was split, and time was running out.
Would France bow to American pressure to preserve its political alliance?
Or would it defy Washington, choosing innovation and economic independence?
The battle for France's technological future had begun.
Émile Carpentier, the Minister of Finance, leaned forward, his voice firm as he addressed President Moreau directly.
"Mr. President, we cannot afford to make a reckless decision. The United States remains our most important economic and military ally. If we choose to defy them now, the consequences could be severe."
He gestured toward the holographic economic models projected in the center of the table.
"More than 20% of French exports rely on American partnerships, particularly in aerospace, pharmaceuticals, and luxury goods. If we refuse to support their sanctions against Nova Tech, we risk facing trade penalties that could cripple key sectors of our economy."
Carpentier's voice took on a grave tone.
"And let us not forget NATO. France may have its own independent nuclear deterrent, but our security coordination with Washington is vital. Can we truly afford to jeopardize that over a single tech company?"
Bernard Lefebvre, the CEO of Orange Telecom, nodded in agreement.
"From a business perspective, we must recognize the threat Nova Tech poses," Lefebvre added. "Their 5G infrastructure is completely independent, meaning they do not need existing Western telecom providers to expand. If France allows them to operate freely, Orange and other European telecom giants will be reduced to irrelevance."
He folded his hands, his expression serious.
"If Nova Tech takes over our digital infrastructure, France will no longer control its own telecommunications networks. We will be dependent on an Indian company for our most critical digital assets. That is not an acceptable risk."
Several conservative politicians and business leaders murmured in agreement.
"This is a matter of sovereignty, Mr. President," Carpentier pressed. "If we do not act now, we will lose control of our own digital future."
The argument was clear.
France needed the United States for economic stability, military security, and technological alignment. To defy Washington would be dangerous.
Across the table, Isabelle Fournier, the Minister of Digital Transformation, refused to be silent.
"With all due respect," she began, her voice sharp and controlled, "the real danger here is not Nova Tech—it is France clinging to outdated alliances instead of embracing the future."
The room shifted uncomfortably.
"Nova Tech has already surpassed American tech firms in multiple areas—mobile hardware, AI infrastructure, and 5G networks." She tapped a section of the holographic display, showing Nova Tech's market dominance across Europe.
"In the past six months, Nova Tech's ecosystem has grown by 72% in France alone. More than half of French consumers under 40 already use Nova Tech devices."
She turned to President Moreau.
"If we impose sanctions, we are not protecting France—we are cutting it off from the next generation of global technology."
A visible ripple of uncertainty spread through the room.
Fournier continued, her voice rising.
"And what happens if Germany does not impose sanctions? What if South Korea or Japan embrace Nova Tech instead? We will be isolated in a world that is moving forward while we cling to an outdated technological order."
She leaned forward, her next words cutting deep.
"If we follow the U.S., France will be trapped under Silicon Valley's control for another two decades. But if we choose Nova Tech, we have the chance to build an independent digital economy, free from American dominance."
The room erupted into debate.
Foreign Minister Alain Duchamp raised his hand for silence. His voice was careful, balanced.
"We must recognize that this decision will define our relationship with Washington for years to come," he said. "But it will also define France's role in the European Union."
He turned toward President Moreau, his expression grave.
"Germany has not yet decided. If we act too soon, we risk alienating Berlin. If we move too late, we may be forced to accept a decision that does not favor us."
The room tensed.
Duchamp sighed. "France has always sought to be a leader, not a follower. Mr. President, the world is waiting for our decision."
---
President Moreau leaned back in his chair, his fingers tapping against the desk.
The weight of history pressed against him.
If France followed Washington, it would preserve its long-standing alliance—but at the cost of technological stagnation.
If France rejected the U.S. demands, it could position itself as Europe's digital leader—but at the cost of political backlash.
He had only hours to make a choice.
The entire world was watching.
Would France stand with Washington, safeguarding its political and military alliances?
Or would it embrace Nova Tech, breaking free from American dominance and securing its own digital future?
Moreau exhaled.
January 7, 2011
Moscow, Russia – The Kremlin – Strategic Security Council Meeting
The winter air outside the Kremlin was bitterly cold, the wind carrying the weight of a changing world. Inside, within the fortified walls of the Grand Kremlin Palace, a different kind of storm was brewing. The high ceilings and golden chandeliers cast long shadows over the Strategic Security Council chamber, where the most powerful men in Russia sat around a polished oak table.
President Vladimir Orlov listened in silence as reports poured in from across the world. The United States had begun its economic offensive, pressuring its allies to sanction Nova Tech, severing its access to Western markets. Germany and France were wavering, South Korea was under corporate pressure, and the British government was still debating its position. Russia, however, was not in crisis—it was watching, calculating, waiting for the perfect opportunity to strike.
Seated around the table were the Kremlin's most influential figures. Sergei Makarov, Minister of Foreign Affairs, leaned back in his chair, his fingers tapping the table as he studied the situation. Across from him, Oleg Ivanov, Minister of Industry and Trade, had a set of documents spread before him, detailing Nova Tech's supply chain, processor development, and AI infrastructure. Beside him sat General Viktor Sokolov, Director of the FSB, his piercing gaze scanning the room, while Anatoly Roskov, CEO of Rostec, and Igor Petrov, Gazprom Chairman, remained silent, waiting for the right moment to speak.
Orlov broke the silence, his deep voice carrying across the room. "We have watched Washington's arrogance for too long. They believe they can dictate the future of technology as they have in the past. But this time, they are facing something they do not understand." His gaze turned to Makarov. "Tell me, how do we use this to our advantage?"
Makarov, ever the diplomat, exhaled before responding. "Mr. President, the Americans have overplayed their hand. They are pushing their allies to sanction Nova Tech, believing they are cutting off a rising competitor. But in reality, they are doing something much more dangerous." He leaned forward. "They are pushing Nova Tech into our hands."
Oleg Ivanov glanced at Makarov before speaking. "For years, we have attempted to develop our own independent semiconductor and AI industries, but despite our efforts, we remain behind Western technology. Now, Washington has given us a chance to catch up. If we form a technology alliance with Nova Tech, Russia will gain unprecedented access to cutting-edge innovations previously beyond our reach."
He gestured toward the holographic display, where data on Nova Tech's NeuralCore Gen 5 processors, AI-driven software, and 5G infrastructure was highlighted. "Their AI infrastructure is faster and more efficient than anything controlled by Google or Microsoft. Their processors are already more advanced than Intel or AMD." Ivanov's gaze sharpened. "If we move quickly, we can integrate Nova Tech's technology into our economy, making Russia a dominant player in the global digital market."
General Sokolov, silent until now, finally spoke. His voice was slow, deliberate. "The implications of this extend beyond just economics." The room turned to him as he continued. "If we integrate Nova Tech's 5G infrastructure and AI capabilities into Russian defense networks, we gain a decisive advantage over NATO." He looked directly at Orlov. "Imagine a secure, AI-driven military communication system, immune to U.S. surveillance and cyberattacks. Imagine an autonomous drone fleet, powered by Nova Tech's AI systems. The West fears Nova Tech because it represents a technological order they do not control. But what if we control it instead?"
The room was silent for a moment as the weight of his words settled over them.
Across the table, Igor Petrov, the Gazprom Chairman, finally spoke, a smirk playing on his lips. "Gentlemen, let us not forget that Europe depends on us for energy. If Germany and France choose to follow Washington's lead in sanctioning Nova Tech, we have the power to remind them of their dependency on Russian oil and gas." His voice was smooth, measured. "If they want to cut off India's technology, perhaps we should make them reconsider—by turning off their heat this winter."
Orlov leaned back in his chair, his fingers tapping lightly against the polished wood of the table. His mind was already made up, but he allowed the silence to stretch, letting his advisors and business leaders sit with the gravity of what they were about to do. Then, finally, he spoke.
"We will not sanction Nova Tech," he said simply. "We will do the opposite."
The room stilled.
"We will welcome Nova Tech into our markets and form a strategic partnership," Orlov continued. "We will give them access to our semiconductor facilities, AI research labs, and telecom networks." His voice hardened. "If Washington wants to push Nova Tech out of the West, then we will ensure that they find a new home in Russia."
A slow, calculated smile spread across his face. "Let the Americans dig their own grave."
As the meeting concluded, a series of encrypted messages were sent from the Kremlin's secure communication channels. The recipient?
Nova Tech Headquarters, Mumbai.
A secret summit was being arranged.
The world was about to change.
The United States had just created its own worst nightmare—a technological alliance between Russia and Nova Tech.
And Washington was too late to stop it.
January 7, 2011
Beijing, China – Zhongnanhai (Communist Party Headquarters) – High-Level Policy Meeting
Inside the heavily fortified Zhongnanhai compound, just west of the Forbidden City, the most powerful figures in China sat around a long, polished conference table. The air was thick with the weight of their discussion, the walls of the meeting chamber lined with red banners bearing the golden emblem of the Communist Party. The Central Economic and Technological Affairs Commission had been convened under emergency orders, called by none other than President Zhao Wei, the man who held China's fate in his hands.
Seated around him were the key decision-makers of the Chinese state apparatus, men who had shaped the country's economic rise over the past two decades.
- Premier Li Jianhong – The second-most powerful man in China, overseeing the country's economic planning.
- Minister of Industry and Information Technology, Xu Guang – The architect behind China's push for technological self-sufficiency.
- General Han Zhiyuan, Director of the Ministry of State Security (MSS) – The intelligence chief, ensuring China's cybersecurity and control over foreign influence.
- Liu Peng, Chairman of China Mobile – The head of China's largest telecom company, struggling to modernize its infrastructure.
- Zhang Wei, Director of the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) – The strategist behind China's next Five-Year Plan.
Unlike Washington, Berlin, or Moscow, the question China faced was not whether to sanction Nova Tech. It was whether to resist it entirely or use it to accelerate China's lagging 5G infrastructure.
For years, China had been building its own path to technological dominance, but the arrival of Nova Tech had disrupted everything. The company's ultra-fast 5G network, AI-driven processors, and independent cloud computing had made Western firms obsolete. But for China, which had not yet fully rolled out its own 5G infrastructure, Nova Tech was both a threat and an opportunity.
President Zhao's voice, deep and measured, broke the silence.
"We must decide now," he said, his fingers tapping against the table. "Do we continue resisting Nova Tech, or do we integrate their technology to leapfrog ahead of the United States?"
The room fell into a tense debate.
Xu Guang, the Minister of Industry and Information Technology, spoke first. His tone was firm, unshaken.
"Comrades, we have spent the last decade investing trillions into building a Chinese-controlled technology infrastructure. We have Huawei, ZTE, and state-backed AI firms—our strategy has been to ensure that China never relies on foreign technology again."
He glanced at a set of documents in front of him, detailing China's own 5G deployment efforts.
"But Nova Tech represents a direct threat to our control. Their technology is cheaper, faster, and more efficient than Huawei's current models. If we allow them into China, we will create a dependency—a dependency we cannot afford."
A murmur spread through the room.
Liu Peng, the Chairman of China Mobile, nodded in agreement.
"We are already behind schedule on our 5G infrastructure rollout," he admitted. "If Nova Tech's 5G systems enter China, consumers will quickly prefer them over our own networks."
He exhaled.
"If that happens, China will be forced to rely on an Indian company to power its digital economy."
He turned to the President.
"The Party has always been clear—China must control its own internet, its own infrastructure, and its own future. If we allow Nova Tech to dominate, we will lose control of our digital sovereignty."
General Han Zhiyuan, the MSS Intelligence Chief, was next to speak.
"This is a security issue, not just an economic one."
His voice was calm but deadly serious.
"Nova Tech's cloud-based AI systems are encrypted beyond our current capabilities. If they integrate into China's economy, we will have limited visibility into their operations. We do not know if their networks can be fully monitored, controlled, or censored."
He locked eyes with President Zhao.
"We cannot allow foreign AI to control Chinese data. That is non-negotiable."
The weight of his statement hung heavy in the air.
The next voice came from Zhang Wei, the head of the National Development and Reform Commission. Unlike the previous speakers, his argument was not about fear—but about ambition.
"Comrades, let us be clear. The United States is collapsing under its own arrogance. They believe they can force their allies to sanction Nova Tech, but already, we see Germany hesitating, France debating, and Russia offering full support."
He gestured toward a live report from Moscow, detailing Russia's strategic partnership with Nova Tech.
"We have spent years trying to develop our own independent 5G network," Zhang continued. "But we must face reality—we are behind."
He turned to the President.
"Our telecom infrastructure is still dependent on outdated Huawei and ZTE technology. Our AI-driven cloud computing is not as advanced as Nova Tech's."
His voice lowered, the next words spoken with careful precision.
"If we partner with Nova Tech, we can leapfrog past the United States in five years instead of ten."
The room stiffened.
Zhang Wei let that idea sink in before continuing.
"Nova Tech has no Western shareholders, no American control. If we play this right, we can use their technology to accelerate China's 5G rollout, ensuring that Beijing—not Washington—controls the next era of digital connectivity."
President Zhao folded his hands, his mind weighing the two arguments.
China had always planned to dominate global tech. But Nova Tech had done in two years what China had expected to accomplish in a decade.
The room fell silent, waiting for the President's response.
Finally, Zhao Wei spoke.
"We will not allow Nova Tech to replace Chinese infrastructure, but we will use them to accelerate our own plans."
A collective exhale spread across the chamber.
Zhao's gaze was sharp as he continued.
"Nova Tech will not be allowed to deploy its independent 5G network in China," he said firmly. "We cannot afford to let a foreign company control our telecommunications backbone."
Then, his voice took a calculated turn.
"But we will partner with them in the short term—taking their best innovations while ensuring that Chinese companies remain in control."
He turned to Zhang Wei.
"Immediately initiate high-level negotiations with Nova Tech. Offer them limited access to China's markets—under strict conditions."
Then, he turned to Xu Guang.
"In parallel, we will invest an additional 500 billion yuan into Huawei and ZTE's 5G development, ensuring they catch up to Nova Tech within the next five years."
He exhaled.
"We will use Nova Tech to advance China's agenda. But make no mistake—China's future must be built by China."
A slow nod spread through the room.
---
As the meeting concluded, encrypted communication lines were opened with Nova Tech's leadership. A new kind of strategic deal was being crafted—one where China would borrow Nova Tech's innovation while ensuring it remained the true digital superpower of the future.
For Beijing, the decision was clear.
They would not allow India to control China's technological infrastructure.
But they would use Nova Tech's advancements to ensure that China—not the United States—dictated the next era of global technology.
The game was far from over.
But China had just made its move.
January 7, 2011
Riyadh, Saudi Arabia – Royal Diwan (King's Palace) – High-Level Council Meeting
Beneath the golden domes of the Royal Diwan, the heart of Saudi Arabia's government, the kingdom's most powerful men had gathered in a private chamber. The vast marble hall, illuminated by towering chandeliers, bore witness to a discussion that would shape the Arab world's role in the ongoing technological war.
Crown Prince Mohammed bin Faisal, the de facto ruler of the kingdom, sat at the head of the table. His expression was unreadable as he listened to the latest reports from across the globe. The United States had drawn its battle lines, pressing its allies to sanction Nova Tech. Europe was fracturing, China was hedging its bets, and Russia had fully embraced India's technological empire.
Seated across from him were the kingdom's most influential figures.
- Sheikh Abdul Rahman al-Farsi, Minister of Energy – Guardian of Saudi Arabia's oil wealth, always watching for shifts in global power.
- Prince Khalid bin Nasser, Minister of Investment – The architect of Saudi Arabia's modernization efforts.
- General Hamad al-Saidi, Head of Intelligence – The man responsible for protecting the kingdom's security and digital sovereignty.
- Rashid al-Khatib, Chairman of Saudi Telecom (STC) – A key player in the country's 5G infrastructure development.
- Ahmed Darwish, Governor of the Saudi Arabian Monetary Authority (SAMA) – Guardian of the nation's vast sovereign wealth fund.
The room was divided.
For decades, Saudi Arabia had aligned itself economically with the West, using its oil dominance to secure its influence in Washington, London, and Paris. But now, with Nova Tech rewriting the global technological order, a new opportunity had emerged—one that could make the Arab world a centerpiece in the next digital empire.
The Crown Prince, ever the strategist, finally spoke.
"The Americans have asked us to block Nova Tech from our markets," he said, his voice calm but commanding. "What do we gain from this?"
A long silence followed before Sheikh Abdul Rahman al-Farsi, the Minister of Energy, leaned forward.
"Your Highness, the United States remains our largest security guarantor," he said carefully. "Defying them on this matter could bring political consequences."
The Crown Prince's expression remained unreadable.
"The Americans need our oil," he said plainly. "They will not turn against us so easily."
A flicker of tension passed through the room. This was not the Saudi Arabia of old. The Crown Prince had spent the last decade diversifying the economy, reducing dependence on oil, and investing in new technologies.
Prince Khalid bin Nasser, the Minister of Investment, cleared his throat.
"Your Highness, Nova Tech presents an opportunity we have never had before," he said. "For years, we have relied on American and European companies for technology, finance, and security. Now, for the first time, there is an alternative."
He gestured toward the holographic display, where Nova Tech's 5G expansion, AI cloud computing, and digital payment networks were mapped across the globe.
"Dubai and Abu Dhabi are already in talks with Nova Tech," he continued. "If we act first, Saudi Arabia can become the gateway for Nova Tech's expansion into the Middle East."
The Crown Prince tapped his fingers against the table, deep in thought.
General Hamad al-Saidi, the Head of Intelligence, finally spoke, his voice cautious.
"There is one issue we must consider," he said. "If we allow Nova Tech into Saudi Arabia's digital infrastructure, we are also allowing an Indian company to control key aspects of our cyber-security."
A pause.
"In the past, we have always ensured that our telecommunications networks, banking systems, and surveillance infrastructure remain under our control. If Nova Tech integrates into our economy, we may lose oversight of how data is collected and managed."
A ripple of concern spread through the room.
Saudi Arabia had built its power on control—of energy, finance, and information. Handing over any part of that to a foreign entity was a risk.
The Crown Prince's gaze darkened slightly.
"Can we negotiate terms that ensure we maintain control?" he asked.
Rashid al-Khatib, the Chairman of Saudi Telecom (STC), nodded.
"Yes, Your Highness. If Nova Tech wishes to enter our markets, we can demand joint ventures, local data centers, and infrastructure partnerships. We make it clear that Saudi Arabia—not India—controls the data within our borders."
The Crown Prince was silent for a long moment.
Then, he nodded.
"We will not follow the United States blindly," the Crown Prince said at last. His voice was steady, resolute. "We will not ban Nova Tech."
A subtle but significant shift filled the room.
He turned to Prince Khalid bin Nasser.
"Begin immediate negotiations with Nova Tech. Offer them a partnership—but under our terms. Saudi Arabia must maintain sovereignty over its digital infrastructure."
Then, he turned to Sheikh Abdul Rahman al-Farsi.
"Monitor Washington's response carefully. If they attempt to pressure us, remind them that we control the energy they rely on."
A faint smile touched his lips.
"They need us more than we need them."
The decision was final.
Saudi Arabia would not only welcome Nova Tech but would use it to cement its place as the dominant tech and financial hub of the Middle East.
And with that, the United States had lost another battle in the global tech war.
Across the world, from Washington to Moscow, Beijing to Riyadh, a new technological order had emerged.
- The United States had tried to stop Nova Tech but had only succeeded in pushing its rivals closer together.
- Europe was fractured, uncertain whether to side with the U.S. or embrace the new reality.
- Russia had seized the opportunity, forming a strategic alliance with Nova Tech.
- China, ever pragmatic, had decided to use Nova Tech to accelerate its own ambitions.
- The Middle East had turned away from Washington, aligning itself with the future of digital finance and AI-driven connectivity.
And at the center of it all, Nova Tech stood unchallenged—the first true global technology empire not controlled by the West.
A new world had been born.
And there was no turning back.
The Global Reckoning was over.
But the war for technological supremacy had only just begun.