The War for Technological Supremacy Begins
January 8, 2011 – Washington, D.C. – The White House Situation Room
The air inside the Situation Room was stifling, heavy with the weight of an impending economic war. Seated at the head of the long table, President James Rutledge kept his expression unreadable as he listened to the latest intelligence reports from Commerce Secretary Barbara Donovan, CIA Director Richard Maddox, and the top executives of Silicon Valley.
The numbers were devastating. Nova Tech had already taken over 60% of the high-end smartphone market in Europe, 42% in Japan, and 48% in the Middle East. Its fully independent 5G network had begun rolling out in Russia, China, and several EU nations, and its AI-driven cloud services were rapidly replacing Amazon Web Services and Google Cloud in non-American markets.
And now, the worst-case scenario had become reality—countries like Germany, France, Saudi Arabia, and South Korea were hesitant to fully align with Washington on sanctions.
Rutledge exhaled slowly, the tension in the room palpable. He had only one option left.
"Enough," he said, his voice sharp. "We shut them out. Completely."
Silence fell over the room before Commerce Secretary Donovan tapped on her tablet, bringing up a holographic document labeled 'Nova Tech Trade Ban Order – Emergency Executive Action'.
"As of today," she announced, "the United States will ban all imports of Nova Tech smartphones and devices. Additionally, any company that wishes to sell technology in the U.S. must immediately cease all collaboration with Nova Tech, or they will lose access to the American market."
The room absorbed the weight of the decision.
Robert Andersson, CEO of Apple, clenched his jaw. "This is only a temporary fix," he muttered. "The problem isn't just that Nova Tech is outselling us. The problem is that they don't need us anymore."
Mark Lowell, Chairman of Microsoft, sighed. "They control their own processors, their own operating systems, their own cloud infrastructure. This isn't like when we shut Huawei out. Even if we block them here, the rest of the world will keep moving forward."
CIA Director Maddox leaned forward, his expression cold. "Which is why we need to force them to play by our rules." He turned to the President. "We give them an ultimatum—they either build factories in the U.S. and submit to our regulations, or they never sell a single device here again."
President Rutledge nodded slowly. "Make the offer public," he said. "But let's be clear—we're not giving them a real choice. Either they fold, or we make sure Nova Tech becomes a global pariah."
The United States had drawn its battle lines.
But the question remained—would the world follow?
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January 9, 2011 – Beijing, China – Zhongnanhai Compound
The Chinese Communist Party's emergency council had convened again, this time behind closed doors, away from foreign diplomats and international media. President Zhao Wei sat in the center, listening as his most trusted economic and military advisors laid out their response to Washington's latest move.
"The Americans have finally made their play," said Premier Li Jianhong, his voice measured. "They've cut Nova Tech out of the U.S. market and are pressuring Europe and Japan to do the same."
Zhao exhaled, his fingers tapping against the table. "And what is the global response?"
Xu Guang, Minister of Industry and Information Technology, answered. "Germany is still undecided, but France is leaning toward rejecting the sanctions. The Middle East is ignoring Washington entirely. South Korea is under intense pressure from Samsung, but they have not yet committed."
A faint smirk crossed Zhao's lips. "Then the Americans are not as powerful as they think."
Zhang Wei, head of China's National Development and Reform Commission, leaned forward. "Mr. President, we must act now. The Americans are trying to freeze technological development outside their control. If we let them succeed, we will always remain one step behind."
Zhao's expression hardened. "What do you propose?"
Zhang's voice was firm. "We accelerate Project Red Falcon."
The room stilled.
Project Red Falcon was China's multi-trillion yuan initiative to rapidly develop next-generation 5G infrastructure and smartphone manufacturing, allowing Beijing to completely eliminate its reliance on Western tech companies.
Zhao took a long breath. "How much do you need?"
Zhang didn't hesitate. "750 billion yuan immediately. An additional 1.2 trillion yuan over the next two years."
There was a pause before Zhao nodded. "Approved."
China would not let Nova Tech stand alone. They would match Washington's aggression with their own technological rise—and they would not be playing by the West's rules.
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January 10, 2011 – Riyadh, Saudi Arabia – Royal Diwan
Crown Prince Mohammed bin Faisal leaned back in his chair, watching as his top financial and technology advisors delivered their reports. Unlike Washington or Beijing, Saudi Arabia was not caught in a power struggle—it was making moves in silence.
"The U.S. has announced its trade ban on Nova Tech," said Prince Khalid bin Nasser, Minister of Investment. "But Europe is divided, and China is preparing to counteract it with a historic investment."
The Crown Prince nodded slowly. "And what is our advantage?"
Rashid al-Khatib, Chairman of Saudi Telecom (STC), spoke up. "With Washington and Beijing in direct competition, they will need allies who can supply the raw materials and energy needed to sustain this tech war."
The Crown Prince smirked. "And we control both."
Sheikh Abdul Rahman al-Farsi, Minister of Energy, leaned forward. "Your Highness, we are now in a position to dictate the energy prices for global semiconductor and telecom industries. We can offer discounted energy rates to Nova Tech and China, while increasing costs for U.S. and European companies."
The Crown Prince exhaled slowly. "Then let's begin negotiations. If the West wants a technology war, we will ensure they fight it at a disadvantage."
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The Battle Lines Are Drawn
The global economic war had officially begun.
- The United States had banned Nova Tech, attempting to cripple its global expansion.
- China had responded with a secret multi-trillion yuan investment, aiming to build its own next-gen 5G network and smartphone ecosystem.
- Saudi Arabia had decided to play both sides, offering energy deals to Nova Tech while raising costs for the U.S. and Europe.
- The EU remained divided, with Germany still undecided, while France and other nations hesitated to follow Washington's lead.
Meanwhile, in Kolkata, India, Nova Tech's true architect—Aritra Naskar—watched the world react to Washington's decision with quiet amusement.
A storm was coming.
And Nova Tech was right at its center.